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La Recherche (petit flûte dénommée frégate) commandée par M. D’Entrcasteaux, Contre-Amiral, ayant pour conserve l’Espérance (bâtimt. de même espèce) commandée par M. Huon Kermadec, capt. de vaisseau, watercolour by Frédéric Roux, a pilot. In ‘Album de Famille’ de l’Amiral Willaumez. Plate 17. Musée National de la Marine, Paris [PH 169853, Cote J1102]. Note the windmills on the sterns.
La Pérouse should have sailed home to France during 1789. Despite overriding current political and revolutionary preoccupations, his absence rated highly in the national consciousness. Presumably rivalry with England over issues of global discovery and annexation, combined with trading prospects in the new lands were all factors in the situation. In this era of discovery the Société d’Histoire Naturelle was also concerned for the safety of scientific collections made by La Pérouse. The thrill and importance of new discoveries proved an incentive to the scientific vitality of the Société, just as London’s Royal Society was stimulated by Cook, Bligh and other explorers. The Société agreed that it was urgent to locate the missing La Pérouse, so it petitioned the then ruling Constituent Assembly in Paris. On 9 February 1791, the Assembly voted affirmatively, issuing a formulaic decree to the king to dispatch a rescue mission.
Antoine-Joseph-Bruny d’Entrecasteaux, 1737–93, by Baron Etienne Hulot 1857–1918. In Extrait du Bulletin de la Societe de Geographie (3e trimester 1894), Paris: Societe de Geographie, 1894, p. 9. National Library of Australia
While Louis XVI was at this time a virtual prisoner and puppet, he remained forlornly dedicated to learn the fate of La Pérouse, to whom he had personally entrusted special objectives, including the need to adopt a humanitarian view towards newly found exotic peoples. Louis therefore offered enthusiastic support. It is evident that the rescue expedition was widely supported by the government, because 1,160,000 livres were made available from the French naval budget of 30 million livres.[1] Instruments and other costs brought total expenditure to 1,369,516 livres.
Antoine-Raymond-Joseph Bruny d’Entrecasteaux (1737–93) was named leader with responsibility to command two vessels to be made ready for the search and rescue expedition. The expedition was intended to combine this objective with scientific discovery and the accurate charting of unknown regions. There is no indication that land annexation was an objective. Although d’Entrecasteaux was promoted upon departure of the ships to the flag rank of rear-admiral, shipboard diarists termed him ‘General’, because the term admiral had not yet come into common use in France. A member of the minor nobility, d’Entrecasteaux had pursued a distinguished naval career both in war and peace since his enlistment in 1754. It culminated in 1787 with a term as Governor of Ile de France (Mauritius). He was an experienced captain and navigator, a character who commanded loyalty and a conciliator, by the time he returned to France in 1790.
During his career, the traditional control of the navy and its officer corps lay entirely with persons of noble birth or connection, entitling officers, as gardes de la marine to wear a conspicuous red uniform. Just before the French Revolution, in 1786, reforms introduced into the navy produced a more efficient and rational system. This included admitting officers of lower social rank, bourgeois recruits who usually were merchant marine officers who transferred to the navy. A midshipman with six years service might also join officer ranks following an examination. Such newly recruited officers wore blue uniforms, a reminder of their more lowly social status.
Although the Constituent Assembly integrated these two officer branches in October 1789, it became a significant irritant during the expedition because of rivalry between the ‘red’ officers — traditional royal loyalists — and the ‘blue’ officers — most of whom were republicans. Testimony to the respect in which officers and crew held d’Entrecasteaux is that he had no major disciplinary problems. Many naval vessels in those years faced difficulties with revolutionary-stimulated ill discipline. This was particularly the case with crews drawn from Brest, where a mutiny occurred during 1790. This expedition was fitted out and crewed at Brest.
D’Entrecasteaux was given freedom to select his own officers and he recruited several men who had served under him and in whose capabilities he trusted; their uniforms were red. As this book concerns Recherche Bay rather than the entire voyaging, only those persons who contributed to events there are discussed.
To captain Espérance, d’Entrecasteaux turned to his former experienced first lieutenant and friend, Jean-Michel Huon de Kermadec (1748–93), who was promoted to the rank of flag-captain. Unfortunately, Kermadec, at 43 the oldest officer, was already in poor health and, though a man of rough humour, was physically weak and irresolute at times. Yet he was trusted by d’Entrecasteaux, sent to Brest with the tasks of supervising the remodelling of two ships for expedition requirements, provisioning the vessels and recruiting their crews. Consequently, the Breton region supplied most of the men. At this period, while crewmen had medical examinations, officers were exempt. Kermadec was not the only officer who would never have sailed had he been examined medically, and the voyage cost him his life.
Another favoured officer known to d’Entrecasteaux was Elisabeth-Paul-Edouard de Rossel (1765–1829) who, when a senior midshipman, had shown promise in making nautical observations. Aged only 26, he was an excellent choice and a vital member of the expedition. Rossel was destined to become ultimate commander of the expedition and its chief astronomer. In later life, Rossel became the distinguished head of the French Bureau des Longitudes and editor of his late captain’s journal. A royalist sympathiser, a contemporary described him as ‘a little man as round as a barrel,’ ugly, gentle and cheerful.[2]
When d’Entrecasteaux governed Ile de France, Alexis-Ignace de Crestin (1763–94) was his aide-de-camp; he was invited to join him again as a lieutenant. Jean-Baptiste-Philibert Willaumez (1793–1843) also served previously under d’Entrecasteaux as an ensign, the title then given to sub-lieutenants who were promoted from the lower deck. Despite his republicanism, d’Entrecasteaux’s trust was justified by his valuable contribution. Willaumez, then 28, rose to be a vice-admiral and, despite his republicanism, a count.
Another recruit known to be reliable was Alexandre-François de le Fresnaye de Saint-Aignan (1768–1849) who added violin playing to his naval capabilities. While his music was appreciated on board, his fiddle was to irritate Aboriginal Tasmanians. When the vessels departed, lieutenants Rossel, Crestin, Willaumez and Saint-Aignan all sailed on the Recherche, with d’Entrecasteaux.
Command of Recherche went to an officer not known to d’Entrecasteaux, but who came highly recommended. Alexandre d’Hesmivy d’Auribeau (1760–94) was promoted flag-captain during the voyage. An unfortunate choice, he was an extremely haughty royalist, belonging to a noble Provencal family. He proved a capable sailor and a sound observer of Aborigines, but his arrogant personality encouraged personality clashes at sea and it was to have serious implications for the expedition’s termination in Java. He also suffered chronic ill health, which should have disqualified his participation. There is some belief that he also took drugs.
On Espérance, commanded by Kermadec, one of the lieutenants had also served under d’Entrecasteaux. This was Claude-Marie-Dominique de la Grandière (1767–95). He should not be confused with his shipmate, 19-year-old Julien de la Gravière (1772–1849), who wrote a private and unpublished account of the voyage, which was used by his son, in 1860, to write a life of his father. Both father and son rose to admiral rank. Lieutenant Trobriand, aged 26, proved a reliable officer and later served practically in command of Espérance due to his Captain’s illness.
Also aboard Espérance was sub-lieutenant Jacques-Malo La Motte du Portail (1761–1812). A staunch royalist, yet a former merchant marine officer, he became soured because he was not promoted to the rank he desired. His jaundiced version of ship life provides helpful insights into daily routine. In particular, a series of letters that he wrote survived, although they were never sent to his supposed fiancée, Zélie. There are doubts as to whether Zélie even existed, because this may have been his secretive means of frank journal keeping that would not risk confiscation. If so, he succeeded, because most officers were forced to surrender their journals at the voyage end, in Java.
The youth of officers is a striking feature of the crews. Except for Kermadec, the age of officers on both ships ranged between Jurien, aged 19, and d’Auribeau, aged 31. Several men in their mid-20s performed admirably when responsibility was thrust upon them through illness, death or opportunities to explore. Rossel assumed command at 28 years of age.