Based on surveys of public opinion in Queensland and, more recently, in NSW, this chapter has shown that both critical attitudes of federalism and more radical preferences for change – two things that are not necessarily directly related – are widespread features of Australian society and not readily confined to particular types of regions or social groups. In fact, where the more radical preferences for change are strongest, is among those citizens who are most directly engaged in the economy (by way of employment), and particularly directly involved in government employment, as well as those most directly engaged in governance more generally through community organisations or committees. These respondents also confirm that opinions about the future development of the federal system are not necessarily as speculative or unsophisticated as might otherwise be assumed, not only through their greater knowledge but the greater certainty of their responses. Furthermore, it seems not only that many more Australians are interested in reform than previously understood, but that many also accept it as inevitable.

Given the dynamic state of developments in governance, what does this suggest about the realms of ‘the possible’ for institutional reform? The most important results are that in both Queensland and NSW, the public appetite for reform appears to be alive and well and widespread throughout the community. In both these states, the concept of ‘the region’ as an alternative scale of governance also has considerable popular currency, including in urban regions; and there is a widespread appetite for political and constitutional strengthening of governance at this level. The absence of major locational, demographic and sociological differences in the attachment to the specific options for achieving this, also indicate that debate about the specific institutional path is relatively wide open. Neither political analysts, nor political leaders, have any reason to assume that citizens are incapable of or disinterested in participating in a debate about an improved system. On the contrary, there is every sign that most Australians harbour an abiding conviction that a better system can and should evolve in response to current pressures and do so in a way which delivers a more truly federal, politically-regionalised approach to governance. Perhaps most importantly, in these states there is little sign of public interest in a debate about half-measures, or options which represent artificial compromises between the historical theory of federalism as played out in Australia (for example, based on the idea that regions can be better served by the creation of new states) and more practical ideas about how government should work. Citizens appear more interested in options that most past political leaders and commentators would define as quite radical. This provides a rare opportunity for policy-makers with any temptation to be visionary.

In terms of institutional options, the answers do not necessarily lie in the particular scenarios offered in these surveys. For any number of reasons, including some outlined above, Australia is no more likely to ever move to a totally ‘two-tiered’ version of federalism – the scenario preferred by many respondents – than it is to stay exactly the same. In practical terms, despite the low level of public support for the creation of new states (as presently understood), constitutional reality may dictate that this is the easiest –and possibly the only – way to create any kind of permanent new regional governments, if these are to be formally entrenched. Similarly, for state governments to join with other tiers in the development of an agreed framework of regionalised governance is immediately more viable than other options, because this could be done without any constitutional change. As a result the most accurate predictions are perhaps those made by the 15% of Queensland respondents, and 13.7% of NSW respondents (weighted), that Australia is destined to continue to develop its fourth tier of regional institutions into a recognisable level of government in its own right, before any thoroughly reformed federal system is likely to emerge. Interestingly, in the NSW survey this prediction was backed by 15.2% of all government employees, and 20.7% of all members of government-related committees, irrespective of whether they actually see this as a desired outcome. In this respect, even when seen through the eyes of public opinion, the options for developing a federal system are not simplistic but complex.

Is change to the federal system politically viable? The full answer depends on national research of a similar kind, now in progress. However the findings above suggest that with suitable leadership and an appropriate process, public opinion is an asset to be tapped rather than necessarily a barrier to change. As with federation itself, it may be public opinion that leads the way, if in the eyes of the broader community the responsiveness of political elites is left wanting.