In Mola the majority of perahu owners (pemilik perahu) sail their own boats, usually as the owner-captain (a'nakoda) but sometimes as a crew member (sawi/sawi). If the owner does not accompany his boat, then his brother, son, or other close relative will usually become captain (juragang). Reference to the captain as a’nakoda or juragang therefore specifies his relationship with the boat. The owner of a boat may lend his own perahu to another person and join a different boat as a crew member. Alternatively, he may borrow another boat, for example a Pepela-owned boat, and act as captain to increase his returns. In this latter case, there is unlikely to be any familial connection between the perahu owner and captain.

One of the captain’s tasks is to organise all the administrative letters and sailing passes for himself and the crew. He must obtain Identification Papers for Travel Permit (Surat Keterangan Izin Berpergian) from the office of the kepala desa and get them approved by the office of the camat (sub-district head), as well as the local police and military. Each perahu has a pass book (buku pas) that must be stamped by the kepala desa prior to departure and again on return. This contains details pertaining to the crew, cargo and destination. To comply with registration requirements, perahu are given their own names, but the owner may change the name from year to year. The Bajo themselves generally refer to a perahu by the name of its owner.

In addition to the captain, many of the Mola perahu also have a sea captain (punggawa dilao'/punggawa laut), especially if the captain does not have much experience in shark fishing. The punggawa is usually an older man with considerable sailing experience and knowledge of fishing grounds (lana/tempat mencari). He is responsible for various aspects of navigation and fishing activity, including the catching of bait (atur cari umpang) and the setting of fishing gear (atur pasang pancing). This distinction between a land captain and a sea captain is less common amongst the younger generation, especially those Bajo living in Pepela, because many of the younger captains have considerable sailing skill as well as knowledge of sea and weather conditions.

All captains (and punggawa) are expected to have some esoteric knowledge (pangatonang/ilmu). This knowledge can be ritually powerful and involve a variety of skills or capacities: to determine auspicious days to travel; to perform prayers and ritual activity associated with sailing and fishing; to control the dangerous weather conditions that may result from failure to observe taboos; to repel evil spirits; to repair parts of a boat damaged at sea; or to cure sickness among the crew. A few Mola captains said they didn’t know any ilmu and in this sense were no more than ‘paper captains … literate, and skilled in dealing with port authorities but lacking supernatural powers’ (Southon 1995: 130). In such a situation, another crew member, usually the punggawa, is required to have ilmu.

During the weeks or months prior to departure the captain must find a crew. Depending on the size of the perahu the number of crew members will range between four and ten. The crew are usually related to the captain and/or owner of the perahu; some may come from other villages, but usually within the Bajo network. There are particular rules governing the composition of a crew. For example, it is considered taboo to have three brothers together on one perahu. Examples of Mola crew composition for the 1994 season are shown in Table 7-1.

Table 7-1: Examples of Mola perahu crew composition, 1994.

* Married to Mola woman.

The success of a voyage is said to be dependent on harmonious relations between the captain and his crew. A captain who has a reputation for treating his crew harshly (kejam), expressing anger, or acting deceptively or dishonestly, has difficulty finding crew, but a captain who has a reputation for being successful each year will never have such trouble. Because a crew member’s earnings depend on the success of the voyage there is a tendency for crew to seek out the most successful captains. If a perahu is not successful after a fishing trip undertaken midway through the fishing season, some crew may decide to shift to another perahu, making it difficult for the captain to embark on another voyage. Some crew only join a boat for one trip and then return to Mola. In some cases the crew may not change much from year to year, and that in turn may be due to the debts owed by the crew, captain and owner to a moneylender or trader. ^[1]

Once a crew has been assembled, the members meet with the owner and captain and crew to arrange the terms of the voyage. These may include the terms for borrowing the perahu and the value of the indemnity against its loss at sea; the source of capital and the distribution of cash to support families during the men’s absence; the amount of provisions and equipment to be purchased; the choice between buying a new set of longlines or repairing an older set from the previous year’s voyage; the dates for various pre-departure rituals; and the method of sharing the profits on the voyage. Most decisions are made by consensus. It is the captain’s responsibility to keep records of all financial accounts.

The next phase in preparations for departure takes place once the perahu is ready to go to sea. At this time, a ritual expert is consulted and a departure date is set. As the day of departure draws near, the perahu is moved from its dock inside the village (pangangsalaang) through a canal and placed at anchor in the outer boat harbour or the open sea. This action is accompanied by a prayer (doa pamaloka'an) that is usually performed by a ritual expert, although a few captains have the required knowledge to perform the ritual themselves.

On 21 July 1994, at six o’clock in the morning (high tide), a ritual expert named Si Gudang boarded the Cahaya Baru I — the first of three boats to be moved — while it was still docked. Holding a jug filled with water he recited a prayer into the jug. He then entered the cabin and descended into the hull of the perahu. At the navel in the keel he placed an offering of betel nut, leaves and tobacco and recited prayers for five minutes. Then he poured the water from the jug over the navel, emerged from the cabin, moved to the right along the deck and continued pouring water over parts of the perahu from the front to the back (see Plate 7-1). At the tiller he recited another short prayer. All the prayers were made to God (Papu) and to the three prophets of the perahu to inform them of the route the boat was about to take in order that they might offer physical protection to the front, stern and sides of the perahu. These prayers sought protection from misfortune and assurance that the spirits would protect the boat’s good fortune (jaga kami punya rezeki). The perahu was then moved through the canal into the harbour with the aid of long bamboo poles. Si Gudang accompanied the perahu until it was finally anchored and then returned to the village by canoe (see Plate 7-2).

Water is a significant feature of this ritual performance because a perahu is like a human being, and since a human always washes, so must a perahu. In the words of Si Gudang, it is so ‘the perahu will be healthy, and not maluntu (hungry)’. Like a person, a perahu also has a vital force which requires regular strengthening. If it is lacking in this ‘potency and effectiveness’ (Errington 1989: 61), this will affect the sailing and fishing success of its owner and crew. The ritual navel of the perahu represents the source of the perahu’s good fortune and ‘protect[s] their human occupants and ensure[s] prosperity’ (Southon 1995: 136). The process of ritual strengthening (kasih makan di perahu) can take place once the perahu is anchored, but it is up to the owner to decide whether the perahu needs to be ‘fed’. This ritual act can be undertaken before departure, during the course of a fishing season if the perahu has lacked success on any previous trips, every year or every few years. But it should be conducted at least once every three years. According to Si Gunda, another ritual expert who regularly conducts perahu rituals, it is possible to tell when a perahu is ‘hungry’ because it hasn’t been successful for maybe one, two or three years.

It is also possible that the perahu has been subject to sorcery (guna-guna) by a jealous enemy of the owner, someone seeking revenge on the owner, or even maybe a previous crew member who broke a taboo.

Ritual strengthening involves prayers performed by a ritual expert on the perahu, with the owner and crew gathered around the navel inside the hull. On a tray laid next to the navel are offerings such as rice, vegetables, cakes, cigarettes, betel nut, tobacco and bananas. Three lit candles are placed at the middle, front and back of the hull. The ritual expert then burns incense and begins a series of prayers. After waiting for the candles to burn out, more incense is burned, water is poured over the navel and everyone prays. The ritual expert then goes up into the cabin of the perahu and prays again before shaking hands with the owner.

After the ceremony, the male participants remain in the cabin and partake of the meal laid out on the deck, while the women and children sit out the back eating the portions they have saved for themselves. The owner pays for the cost of the meal, while his wife and other female kin will have prepared the food in the village and carried it to the perahu. A meal may also be organised by the owner of the perahu for the captain and crew to eat together in the house of the owner. The lavishness of this meal depends on the financial situation of the owner since he is required to pay for it. The ritual expert is usually invited and sometimes the local imam is called upon to deliver prayers for the safe passage of the crew. These meals also serve to reinforce the notion of a shared investment in the success of the coming voyage.

The final preparations and provisioning are then completed. In these last few days before departure, the crew may conduct a test sail in the vicinity of Mola to ensure that the perahu is in working order. Any necessary adjustments to rigging and sails are then made. The perahu is stocked with rice, coffee, tea, sugar, cooking oil, lamp oil, cigarettes and sometimes additional foods such as fresh coconuts, a sack of flour, chilli or tamarind. Wood is purchased for the stove and water is collected in jerry cans and transferred to large plastic drums stored in the hull. It is generally the wives, mothers and other female relatives of the captain or crew who undertake tasks of purchasing and transporting provisions to the boat. ^[2]

Departure is an important event since the crew will be away for many months. The crew and their belongings are taken to the boat by kin in canoes shortly before the time of departure. Usually the family members tie up their canoes to the stern of the perahu while waiting for it to hoist sails and depart. Male or female relatives of the captain or crew may accompany a boat to Pepela. A ritual expert is summoned to perform the ritual prayer of departure (doa palamakang/doa perahu berlayar).

The Tunas Muda was the first boat to depart Mola for Pepela during the 1994 fishing season. The captain had built a house on the Tanjung in Pepela in April 1993 and lived there with his wife and five children. He left for Mola in late April and was anxious to return — hence the early departure. The following is an extract from my field notes recording the moment of departure:

According to Si Gunda, the moment of departure is the time when the Bajo enter the domain of the ancestors (mbo madilao) and thus prayer must be directed at them as well as the older twin sibling of the Bajo (Kaka):

Two other ritual experts suggested prayers are directed to God and the prophets at this time. Si Mbaga told me that for this prayer:

Success in fishing is conceived of as being the result of good fortune deriving from the navel of the perahu. All rituals surrounding the boat prior to departure ‘are aimed at increasing good fortune’ (Southon 1995: 7).