Importantly, the Kaanju worldview, particularly Kaanju governance and cosmology, underlie all aspects of Kaanju relationships with homelands including land tenure and ownership, land management practices and regimes, and our rights and obligations in regard to the management of Ngaachi (see also Chuulangun Aboriginal Corporation 2005: 11–12). To Kaanju people living on homelands ‘governance’ refers to the system of territoriality found in the region’s Aboriginal law. Our use of governance refers to the division of Kaanju country into different ‘named Ngaachi’ (or estates), each with their associated bloodline or family. Thus bloodline ties people to particular country, language and resources, and to the species whose Stories lie in their Ngaachi (see Smith and Claudie 2003: 4). A number of these named Ngaachi are shown in Fig. 5.1 and include Chuulangun, Malandaji, Pa’un, Muula, Puul’u, Kathu Pathu, Nhanthanji and Iipajiko. Each estate and its associated bloodline(s) is associated with a particular Story. For example, Malandaji is the Story for ‘Lightening and thunder, coming of wet season’ and Chuulangun for the frilled-neck lizard (see also Chuulangun Aboriginal Corporation 2005: 12).

Thus particular families or bloodlines ‘come from’ or are connected to one or more particular clan estates. Kaanichi people determine their connection to particular country by way of their patrilineal descent from particular Kaanju ancestors. Thus according to Kaanju governance a person traces their bloodline through their father. It is understood by the majority of local families that while someone may be Kaanju due to their descent from a particular Kaanju ancestor connected to a particular clan estate, they do not necessarily have the right to ‘speak for’ the whole of the Kaanju homelands. Rather they have connection to a particular clan estate (or estates) within Kaanju homelands, and depending on their position (which is determined by the nature of their descent from a Kaanju ancestor and that particular ancestor’s position) they may have a right to speak for that particular clan estate (or estates). At the same time it is recognised that there are particular families, and importantly, certain individuals within these families who, due to their descent from focal male Kaanju ancestors with authority, have greater authority and standing in terms of their right and obligation to speak for country and particularly to speak for the whole of Kaanju homelands. Essentially, there is a hierarchy of authority and connection to country that is determined by the nature of a person’s descent and from whom they are descended. Thus a person descended from a focal male ancestor through the male line would have greater authority to speak for country and a greater area of country over which that authority is held.

Despite a significant period of disruption by colonialism, forced removals from homelands, and decades of centralisation in missions, reserves and later townships and communities, Kaanju people living at Chuulangun assert that this system of governance is as relevant today as in the pre-colonial past (see Claudie 2004). However, there are people, particularly those of the ‘diaspora’ living in southern cities and even people living in local communities on Cape York who operate on the assumption that this ancient system has been eroded and is no longer relevant. This dismissal of the ancient system of Kaanju governance and thereby dismissal of the authority of particular Kaanju families and individuals has enabled them to take advantage of the problems inherent in the native title process. The native title process has falsely legitimised them as traditional owners for the area under claim and legitimised what they see as their position to hold authority and make decisions in regard to the claim.^[3] This will be discussed in more detail later in the paper.

Today, a number of ‘local’ Kaanju families continue to live in centralised communities and towns including at Lockhart River, Coen, and Napranum/Weipa on the west coast of Cape York. Some Kaanju families, including those whose forebears were removed to distant locations during the previous century, live in towns including Cairns, Yarrabah, Townsville and Palm Island. A number of these latter families are recognised as ‘Kaanju people’ and kin by local Kaanju families, and their ancestors are recognised as being Kaanju. While they may not be necessarily living on or near their homelands they do maintain close contact with kin living in communities on Cape York (see also Smith 2006: s. 5.2.6), and they visit and attend events such as funerals. There are however a number of people, members of the ‘diaspora’, who claim to be Kaanju, but whose connection is disputed by local Kaanju people, particularly by those living on homelands.

In the late 1980s a number of local Kaanju families began the permanent reoccupation of homelands and re-established a home at Chuulangun (or Chuula) on the upper Wenlock River. Chuula was a main meeting place for Kaanju people before they were forcibly removed from homelands so it is appropriate that Chuula now act as the hub for Kaanju homelands development, economic development, and land and resource management on Ngaachi. The Kaanju families living at and focused on Chuulangun have undertaken considerable planning to ensure the reoccupation of homelands is sustainable and consistent with Kaanju land and resource management principles. The reestablishment of a home at Chuulangun has demonstrated the commitment of particular local Kaanju families to Ngaachi. Importantly, these families trace their descent patrilineally through the male line from key Kaanju ancestors. In the case of the Moreton/Claudie/Nelson family of which I am a member, our key ancestor is recognised among a significant number of Kaanju people living on or near homelands and by Aboriginal people more widely as having been an important law man and holding important knowledge to do with the land, governance and cosmology. He is recognised as a key Kaanju ancestral figure (see also Smith and Claudie 2003: 6).