There are many publications that provide important insights into Australian Indigenous leadership, particularly in its regionally differentiated, gendered and religico-ritual contexts.[6] Often the terms ‘leader’ or ‘leadership’ are not to be found in the text of these publications, as writers have referred to headmen, chiefs, bosses, elders and so on. Whilst the literature on contemporary Indigenous leadership illustrates a wide spectrum of views, in early colonial Australia descriptions were perhaps even more varied, although possibly more tightly bound by the conceptual constraints of the social evolutionist thinking that prevailed in early colonial accounts of Indigenous Australian life.
Debate has ensued since Captain Cook’s first landing about whether Australian Aboriginal people even had systematic forms of ‘leadership’ and governance, and if they did, what they looked like. Early colonial assumptions and opinions were formed under the ideological umbrella of the European Enlightenment, which Burch and Ellanna (1994: 1) have described as ‘political philosophy, not science’ with its ‘arguments and assumptions … based more on fantasy than fact’. One early commentator, in 1793, was concerned that there did not appear to be ‘any civil regulations, or ordinances … [existing] among this people’ (Tench 1961: 51).
Sixty years later, reflecting a common opinion of the time, a journalist and historian writing in 1853–54 argued that Aboriginal people had ‘authority or unity of no description’ and that they had ‘no chiefs’ (Flanagan 1888: 15).
These early constructs of Indigenous leadership were often based on European military and institutional paradigms as well as past colonial encounters with natives elsewhere. There was a yearning amongst British settlers and observers for visible structures of government, clear hierarchies of power and authority, plus written laws. The assumptions and biases of social evolutionist perspectives that emerged from the colonial era were further developed within public policy and anthropological thought in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. A summary of these chronological views is given in Table 9.1.[7]
|
TYPE |
PROPONENT & PERIOD |
BRIEF DESCRIPTION |
|---|---|---|
|
Chief or chiefs |
Tench (1961) [1793], Batman [1835] in Billot (1979), Grey (1841), Taplin (1874), Dawson (1881), Thomas, W. [1898] in Bride (1969) |
Chiefs but no ‘civil regulations’; chief selected by family heads; authority over a certain territory; government is patriarchal. |
|
Head of group |
Collins (1804), Thomas (1906), Wheeler (1910), Elkin (1938), Biskup (1973), Von Sturmer (1978) |
Family heads; assembly of elders; ‘past masters’; local group headmen; ceremonial headmen/ political power. |
|
No Chiefs |
Wilkes (1845), Eyre (1845), Flanagan (1888) [1853], Radcliffe-Brown (1913) |
‘Laws’; no authority/ no chiefs; no tribal chief, nor any form of tribal government. |
|
Old men |
Smyth (1878), Spencer and Gillen (1938) [1899], Strehlow (1947), Stanner (1979) [1953], Sackett (1978), Rowse (1998) |
Men who ‘took the lead’; headmen of council; leaders; ceremonial chiefs; mature men. |
|
Eminent, prominent, influential, and great men |
Howitt (1967) [1880], Curr (1886), Elkin (1938), Maddock (1972), Kolig (1981), Keen (1994) |
‘Men of note’; prominent men; bosses or ‘bunggawa’/ ‘looking after’ others; networks; local and personal authority. |
|
Men of authority |
Bern (1979), Keen (1982) |
Prestige and authority through religion. |
|
No headmen |
Sharp (1958), Meggitt (1962) |
No leaders, headmen, or chiefs; kinship-related social rules. |
|
Senior men |
Hiatt (1965) |
Clan-based senior men |
|
Big men |
Berndt and Berndt (1965), Von Sturmer (1978), Sutton (1978), Chase (1984) |
‘Bosses’; kinship system of leadership/ hierarchical ordering. |
|
Elders |
Gould (1969), Collman (1988) |
Elders but no official leader; tribal elders interacting with bureaucracy. |
|
Leaders |
Rigsby (1997) [1982], Sutton and Rigsby (1982), Tonkinson (1991) [1978], Williams (1987), Smith (1997) |
Ritual leaders; ‘politicks’, political structures and leadership; context-based; hierarchical clan-based leadership/ networks. |
|
Managers |
Burridge (1973) |
Middle-aged men who ‘managed’. |
|
Authority & Higher order |
Myers (1976) |
Authority through progressive growth/ ‘looking after’ others. |
|
Masterful men |
Sansom (1980) |
Men with business acumen. |
|
Dominant & adventurous men |
Gerritsen (1981) |
Control of public sector/ appropriation & sharing of benefits amongst followers. |
|
‘Experts’ |
Trigger (1992) |
Context-based on two domains; joint status; middle-men. |
NB: When the date of observation/description differs from that of publication it is noted in square brackets.
This summary suggests that major shifts in perspectives on Indigenous leadership have occurred at key periods of Australian history. Nineteenth century reports on Indigenous leadership favoured a social evolutionist approach, whilst during the early twentieth century, research began to be informed by the functionalist and structuralist approaches of British anthropology. More recent field-based research has drawn more widely from political science, political economy, and French structuralism, in order to yield more detailed knowledge of the complexity of Indigenous leadership in its local variations.
This more recent literature (see Table 9.1) can be summarised as proposing that Indigenous leadership in Australia has the following characteristics:
it is founded on group-based structures, tending in some cases to be hierarchical (kinship, marriage and social bonds define and bind such groups, often to the point of being characterised as an inflexible blue-print for action);
it is constructed and practised among groups with regional variations;
it is highly contextualised and gender-specific;
men (and women) commence their leadership ‘training’ from an early age and such socialisation continues through life;
age and knowledge play an important part in defining one’s position in the leadership hierarchy;
some men and groups become more influential than others through their own personal attributes, or by the accumulation of power through ceremonial means, women, followers, and access to other desired resources; and
such influential men can broaden their leadership base and prowess by further developing social ties through reciprocal obligations, which can develop into complex networks of authority and power, and may be influenced by contemporary arrangements and resources. The literature occasionally refers to such individuals as ‘big men’ and notes that such ‘bigmanship’[8] may only be temporary.
Unlike the issues of Indigenous land ownership, territoriality, kinship models and religious life, there does not seem to have been a progression from these useful insights, towards a more cohesive theoretical analysis that illuminates the historical and contemporary conditions, workings and transformations of Indigenous leadership in the inter-cultural context.
Much of the research evidence so far has been developed by anthropologists and others observing specific groups in various areas of Australia. A key related challenge is whether such evidence can be generally applied across the whole of Australia, and whether regionalism and other cultural factors make for influential similarities and differences in the conditions and enactment of leadership.
[6] Table 9.1 outlines some of the writings about Indigenous leadership. Other researchers (Anderson 1988; Bern 1979; Edwards 1987; Hiatt 1986, 1996; Keen 2006; Smith 1976) have previously reviewed the literature on Indigenous politics and leadership.
[7] Table 9.1 reflects various perspectives on Indigenous leadership but it is not intended to be definitive. Some analysts employ a range of leadership descriptions, such as ‘old men’, ‘mature men’, ‘men of power, authority and influence’ (see e.g. Stanner 1979), and so on. For my purposes here, however, a particular analyst might be mentioned in only one category.
[8] The term ‘bigmanship’ is used by Hiatt (1986: 14).