Table of Contents
Public reaction to the military coup of 5 December 2006 has taken several forms. First, there has been a reaction from those who were directly and personally affected; the victims of the coup and the ‘clean-up’ campaign. These included members of the ousted Qarase government; high officials in the civil service, statutory bodies, public enterprises and other organizations who have lost their jobs; and members of the suspended Great Council of Chiefs (GCC). For them, the focus of attention is the legality of the coup and other subsequent actions.
The second group includes those who have not been personal victims of the coup, but who, nevertheless, feel strongly about the overthrow of an elected government. These are people who believe very deeply in democracy and the rule of law.
The third group includes those who are political supporters of deposed Prime Minister Qarase and his Soqosoqo Duavata ni Lewenivanua (SDL) government, mainly comprising Fijians who have condemned the coup.
Fourthly, there are those who were strongly opposed to what they perceived to be the Qarase government’s racist policies. Many in this latter group are from the Indian and ‘other’ communities, who have expressed support for the new regime even though they are also concerned about democracy and the rule of law.[1]
The focus of this chapter is on the reaction of the ordinary people, of all races and from all socio-economic backgrounds, who have been affected personally – not so much by the coup itself but by its consequences, especially the ensuing economic hardship that has affected people’s daily lives. Like the earlier coups against elected governments (in May 1987 and May 2000), the 2006 coup has seriously undermined people’s confidence about the future. There is a prevailing feeling of concern and uncertainty.
However, any commentary on the current situation, to be fair, has to acknowledge the sincere and determined efforts of interim Prime Minister Voreqe Bainimarama and his interim administration to restore normality, to prioritize law and order, to promote economic recovery, and to lay the groundwork for a better Fiji for all its citizens and multi-ethnic communities.
This chapter seeks to explain the situation in Fiji today, and make suggestions for consideration by those in authority. The suggestions are made in the hope that they will contribute to an approach which will enable Fiji to secure a peaceful, prosperous and coup-free future.
On 5 December 2006, the commander of the Republic of Fiji Military Forces (RFMF), Commodore Voreqe Bainimarama, deposed the elected government of Prime Minister Laisenia Qarase and dismissed the country’s parliament. This also ended Fiji’s first venture into multiparty government – a form of government required under the constitution.
Interim Prime Minister Bainimarama duly announced a ‘road map’, based on a mandate from the President, which was to be regarded as the interim administration’s mission statement. Its priorities included the maintenance of law and order and national security, the eradication of corruption, and the restoration of parliamentary government through elections ‘after an advanced electoral office and systems are in place and the political and economic conditions are conducive to the holding of such elections’.[2]
The interim administration implemented its own budget for 2007. It has introduced measures both to reduce the cost of government, and to create job opportunities in the public service for new graduates and school leavers. It has also embarked on a ‘clean-up’ campaign to rid the civil service, statutory authorities and public enterprises of mismanagement and corruption. An independent body, the Fiji Independent Commission Against Corruption (FICAC), has been established to spearhead this initiative. Building on its declared intention to improve relations with Fiji’s neighbours and the international community, the interim administration has been holding consultations with important bilateral partners and multilateral organizations. It has entered into a broad understanding with the Pacific Islands Forum and with the European Union (EU) that Fiji will return to parliamentary government through an early election, and that the interim government will ensure the full restoration of basic human rights and fundamental freedoms as provided for in Fiji’s constitution. The interim administration is now proposing an advisory National Council for Building a Better Fiji (NCBBF) to assist with the preparation of a ‘People’s Charter’ as a blueprint for Fiji’s future governance.
On 31 May 2007, the interim administration lifted the public emergency regulations that had been in place since the coup. However, it cautioned the people that it would continue to deal with anyone who incites public instability and disorder, under the Public Order Act.
As in the 1987 and 2000 coups, the takeover of the elected government resulted in very serious consequences for democracy, the rule of law, and the economy. There is also concern about its impact on race relations – especially between the two main communities, the Fijians and the Indians. With coups having resulted in the removal of three elected governments, people ask ‘what is the point in having elections?’.
[1] The ‘other’ communities, known in electoral terms as the ‘general voters’, are those who are neither ethnic Fijian, Indo-Fijian nor Rotuman. They include Europeans, part-Europeans, Chinese, and other Pacific islanders
[2] Commodore Bainimarama’s acceptance speech as Prime Minister, 6 January 2007, http://www.fiji.gov.fj/publish/printer_8177.shtml