A visit to a sacred place using a particular procedure is called ziarah. The word is borrowed from Arabic ziyara meaning visit. Its original use basically applied to almost any visit to any object, be it a place or a person. Used as a local term ziarah refers to formal visits to a revered person (such as a distinguished kyai) or a sacred place (tomb or relics of wali or holy men) implying a hope for barakah (ngalap berkah). Although visits to living individuals such as distinguished kyai also take place, this does not constitute a significant practice but rather ordinary reverence. To this extent I shall confine my discussion to visits to sacred places.
In Cirebon sacred places where visits are made are called kramat (shrine). A shrine's physical form is usually a building that houses a sacred object which may either be a tomb or relics (petilasan) such as the remnants of a dwelling, like the Umo Gede (the Great House) of Mbah Buyut Trusmi at Trusmi, springs like Kramat Cimandung at Cimandung (11 km South West of Cirebon), a collection of sacred objects such as Kramat Tuk at Tuk (4 km West of Cirebon). In most cases a kramat contains a combination of these features. The simplest kramat is a building where a revered object is kept or situated, with a hall for visitors to stay at least for a moment. A large kramat, on the other hand, may incorporate a number of buildings with different functions, including a prayer house (mosque or tajug). Other parts of the building may also be divided into sections and each section may have different sub-sections.
Originally, in Cirebon, the word kramat refers to anything ‘holy’ which may either be a word, an object, a person or a place. Etymologically, its special reference to a ‘holy place’ may be traced through the Arabic word haramat (plural form of haram), meaning ‘sacred’ or ‘forbidden,’ or karamat (plural form of karamah) meaning honour or regard (from God). Referring to the first word, haramat, the replacement of h with k is common among Javanese. Haji becomes kaji, hajat becomes kajat, halal becomes kalal and haram becomes karam, haramat becomes karamat and then kramat. In Islam there are three places formally acknowledged as sacred, the two in Arabia called haramain, meaning the two sacred (places), and another one in Palestine. The first two are the Sacred Mosque (Masjid al-Haram) in Mecca which contains the most revered object, the Ka'ba, sometimes called The House of God (Bayt Allah); another one is The Mosque of the Prophet (Masjid al- Nabawy) in Medina where, after his death, the Prophet was buried. The other which is in Palestine, is the mosque of Al-Aqsa (Dome of the Rock), the former direction for Muslims in prayer and a place where the Prophet stopped on his night journey (Isra’ mi'raj). The official acceptance of the existence of these holy places may have given rise to the belief that some local sanctuary places, especially the tombs and relics of local wali, should have some degree of sanctity, although their sacredness is far less than the three officially accepted holy places.
The sanctity of such places is further accentuated by the notion of karamah, the marvels wrought by the wali which God brings about in the corporeal world. This Arabic word karamah (pl.. karamat), meaning honour or regard (from God) is sometimes also corrupted by Javanese into kramat. Thus, both words haramat and karamat combine to form a single term kramat, implying that the place itself is holy (haram) and divine marvels (karamat) brought about by the wali can be expected there.
To illustrate what a kramat looks like, I shall present examples from two sites, Astana and Trusmi. Astana, which contains the tomb of Sunan Gunung Jati is the most prominent object of visitation in Cirebon. Sunan Gunung Jati is regarded as one of the nine saints who initiated the preaching of Islam on Java. Sunan Gunung Jati had a number of local associates with whom he worked. These associates, due to their links with Sunan Gunung Jati are considered to have been invested with the honour and fragrance of his saintship. Although they are considered to be saints, they rank lower than Sunan Gunung Jati himself. As many of his associates were buried in different places, this gives rise to the emergence of sacred places outside the Astana grave complex. Currently the number of such places in Cirebon is said to number over 300.
The Astana Gunung Jati grave complex, the biggest and the most revered place of visitation in Cirebon, is located at the village of Astana, in the sub-district (kecamatan) of North Cirebon, 5 km northward along the main Cirebon-Indramayu road. The complex is made up of two compounds, separated by the main road. Driving from Cirebon, Gunung Jati is on the right of the road whereas Gunung Sembung is on its left. From the foot of Gunung Jati hill we can walk through an ascending pathway where graves of various associates are found, but these have no familial link with the kraton family. Up on a hilly plot near the summit covered by high trees lies the tomb of Syeikh Datu Kahfi. He is known as the religious teacher of Sunan Gunung Jati's predecessor. Following another path to the top of the hill is puser bumi (centre of the earth), a plateau which was once the crater of a formerly active volcano, from which there is a clear view of the sea. Close to the peak there is a cave (Arabic kahfi) which, it is said, Syeikh Kahfi used for contemplation. As a result the Sheikh's name, Master of the Cave (Datu Kahfi) has become associated with it.
Despite the fact that his tomb is an important object of visitation, little is known of Syeikh Kahfi. According to legend, on the North-Coast of West Java there were two Qur'anic schools run by teachers of Arab stock. One was in Karawang led by Syeikh Quro and the other was in Gunung Jati led by Syeikh Nurjati. One of Syeikh Quro's student was Nyai Subanglarang, daughter of Ki Jumajan Jati, the ruler of Singapura (now Mertasinga). She married Prabu Siliwangi, King of Pajajaran and their descendants are significant in later traditional accounts of the history of Cirebon.
Syeikh Nurjati, on the other hand, due to his age and physical condition passed on his work to his student, also of Arab origin, named Syeikh Datu Kahfi or Datuk Khafidh who came to Pasambangan with a contingent of 22 people, two of whom were women. He and his companions were accepted with honour by Ki Jumajan Jati, the then Harbour Master of Amparan Jati who allowed them to settle there. They became the students of Syeikh Nurjati. Later Syeikh Datuk Kahfi was appointed by Syeikh Nurjati, to take his place to teach Islam.[49] When Syeikh Kahfi was leading the school, some new students commenced their study, among whom were Prabu Siliwangi's children from Nyai Subanglarang. They were Walangsungsang, his wife Indang Geulis, and Rarasantang, younger sister of Walangsungsang. It was these students who increased the importance of Syeikh Kahfi's role. These students, Walangsungsang and Rarasantang were instrumental in the further development of Cirebon and Islam in West Java. It was Walangsungsang who, after studying with Syeikh Kahfi, became the forebear of Cirebon and its kingdom.
Across the main road from Gunung Jati hill is the precinct of the former Pasambangan village where the Gunung Sembung grave complex lies.[50] Some custodians said that formerly Gunung Sembung was a guest house but after Nio Ong Tin (Nyai Rara Sumanding), Sunan Gunung Jati's Chinese wife, died and was buried there, it grew into a grave complex. The name Sembung is said to have been derived from sambung, meaning ‘added’ because to build it up a large amount of soil from various places was added to the existing hill.
Across the Cirebon-Indramayu main road in front of the Desa office there is a paved road about 500 metres long leading to the Astana square with the grave complex of Gunung Sembung lying on its North. The date of construction of this complex is indicated by a Candra Sangkala (memorial statement) written in Javanese letters, saying “Sirna Tanana Warna Tunggal,” implying the Saka Era (SE) 1400.[51] At the square there are two buildings, one is Pendopo Ringgit, a hall where puppet plays (wayang) or other performances are held; at its western side is the wooden house called Mande Mangu or Mande Tepasan, with the Candra Sangkala “Singa Kari Gawe Anake,” indicating that the Mande was constructed in SE 1402(?) as a present, it is said, from Ratu Nyawa, the daughter of Raden Fatah from Demak, who married Gung Anom (Pangeran Bratakelana), son of Sunan Gunung Jati who passed away at sea on his way to Cirebon. The first entrance to the kramat is through either one of the two unroofed gates (candi bentar), named respectively Gapura Wetan (Eastern gate) and Gapura Kulon (Western gate). The word gapura meaning entrance or gate is symbolically associated with the Arabic ghafura, meaning forgiveness suggesting that by passing through the gate, one obtains forgiveness. A few steps through the East gate, inside a half metre high wall that separates the grave complex from the square at the right of the gate, there is a well called Sumur Jati. At the left side of the gate, three buildings stand parallel. The first of these is Mande Cungkup Danalaya, a wooden hall belonging to the villagers of Danalaya (8 km west of Cirebon) who use it to make preparation for their ngunjung ceremonies. The next is a museum where the collection of presents from foreign rulers for Sunan Gunung Jati given over centuries are kept. It includes tens of Chinese jars from the Ming dynasty as well as other valuables. The third building is Mande Cungkup Trusmi, a wooden hall which belongs to the people of Trusmi which is used for a similar purpose as that of Danalaya.
Entering the second entrance, a gate near a water jar from which ablution is taken prior to ziarah, there is the Pendopo Soka which was used as an assembly hall but has now become a resting room for pilgrims. Next to it is Siti Hinggil, an elevated floor where the Sultan used to keep a watch across the square. A wooden building called Mande Budi Jajar or Mande Pajajaran with the Candra Sangkala “Tunggal Boya Hawarna Tunggal,” indicating that it was constructed in SE 1401(?) stands next to Siti Hinggil. The Mande is said as to have been brought by Dipati Jagabaya from Pajajaran and to be used by the Dipati on behalf of Prabu Siliwangi to install Pangeran Cakrabuana (Walangsungsang) as regent of Cirebon under the suzerainty of Pajajaran.
The main gate leading to the pilgrims' destination is Gerbang Weregu through which the visitors pass by way of a corridor to Pekemitan, a pillared hall used as the quarter for the care-takers called Pasambangan.[52] Pasambangan is divided into two sections the Paseban Bekel (place for bekel) at the West and Paseban Kraman (place for wong kraman) at the East. Here the caretakers stand on duty; they are dressed in the Cirebonese traditional way with iket (batik headcloth) on the head, white kampret shirt at the top for the Bekel or kutung (chest wrap) for the Kraman, and tapi (batik garment) as their lower garment. Turning left along the corridor is a hall called Gedongan Raja Sulaeman, which was erected by Sultan Sepuh IX and later became his graveyard. The wall throughout these sections is decorated with Dutch and Chinese porcelain plates. The platform to which the pilgrims are led to sit for ziarah is next to this gedongan. This is the ziarah platform which lies between Gedongan Raja Sulaeman on the East and Pelayonan on the West, and with Lawang Krapyak on the South and Lawang Pesujudan or Siblangbong on the North. The two lawang (gates) are part of the nine gates standing one after another in a straight line from south to north, along the ascending pathway from the square to the tomb of Sunan Gunung Jati at the top of the hill. In order, they are: 1) Gapura Kulon, 2) Krapyak, 3) Pesujudan or Siblangbong, 4) Ratnakomala, 5) Jinem, 6) Rararoga, 7) Kaca, 8) Bacem and 9) Teratai. Except for Gapura Kulon, all the gates are kept closed; they are opened only on the eve of Syawalan to make way for the Sultans and their consorts. Krapyak is opened on Thursday night Kliwon (Jum'at Kliwon) after the tahlil ceremony, the main item of ziarah, to allow the flocking pilgrims to pass through leaving the ziarah platform, whereas Pesujudan is also open on Thursday night Kliwon during the tahlil ritual, not to allow the pilgrims to pass through it but only to allow visibility towards the ascending pathway leading to the hill top. To the West, next to the ziarah platform is the Pelayon or Mande Layon, a wooden hall where corpses are put for a rest prior to burial. After this, there is a section where many Chinese pilgrims burn incense sticks in reverence to Nio Ong Tin (Nyai Rara Sumanding), and finally, at the West end of the complex, stands Gedong Kaprabon, a hall used only by the Sultans and their families when a visit to Astana is made (see diagram).
Gedong Raja Sulaeman is the only block of the kraton family grave site to which access is allowed for ordinary visitors. The other blocks behind Lawang Pesujudan along the East and West sides of the elevated path-way to the top of the mount are beyond normal reach. Only the three Sultans and their families, or individuals who get special written permission from the Sultans are allowed to enter. The main block called Gedong Jinem Gusti Syarif is located at the top of the hill where lies Sunan Gunung Jati's tomb, along with 17 other important figures including Walangsungsang (Pangeran Cakrabuana), Fadhilah Khan (Faletehan), Rarasantang (Syarifah Mudaim), and Nyai Ratu Tepasari (Tepasan). Over the roof of this gedong jinem, there is a memolo (the top) called kendi petula (‘emerald pitcher’) coated with pure gold. Behind the wall outside the 29 blocks are buried numerous Ki and Nyi Gede of various desa. This section is open to the public on the eve of Syawalan and Raya Agung.[53]
Along with the Sumur Jati (Jati well), there are two other wells which attract visitors, the Kesepuhan and the Kanoman, located at the West end of the complex. There are still others, however, one of which is the Kejayaan well located at the mosque at the North-Eastern section of the complex; many visitors including Chinese, bathe at the seven well (adus sumur pitu) by going from one well to another. The purpose of this bathing is to release dirt from the body (ngirab), a symbolic intention of washing away all sins and bad luck (mbuang kekebel). Two of the preferred wells for this ceremony are Tegang Pati and Jala Tunda located on Gunung Jati hill.[54]
The care for the whole of compounds, both Gunung Jati and Gunung Sembung, is managed by a group of custodians with a fairly complex organisational structure. The overall operation is under the responsibility of Ki Jeneng, the principal, who coordinates 120 staff. He directs 4 senior assistants (Bekel Sepuh/Tua), 8 junior assistants (Bekel Anom/Nom) and 108 technical assistants (Wong Kraman). The Bekel Sepuh and Anom reflect the two kraton, Kesepuhan and Kanoman, while the whole structure of the custodians reflects the continuation of the duty set forth in the traditional organisation of the ship's crew, captained by Patih Keling, before their ship was wrecked. Working in rotation, everyday there are always 14 people on duty consisting of Ki Jeneng himself, one Bekel Sepuh, one Bekel Anom and 12 Wong Kraman. Along with other duties, the Bekel Sepuh is especially responsible for care around the grave of Pangeran Raja Sulaeman, Bekel Anom for care of Jinem Gusti Syarif, and the Wong Kraman are responsible for caring for the whole complex. Three of the Wong Kraman on duty are separately named. One is Penanggap, responsible for care for the block of Pangeran Manis graveyard, the other two are Jemlodi for Panembahan Ratu, and Penjangkar for Sultan Syamsuddin. They are on duty 24 hours for a period of 15 days at each rotation. Thus, only Ki Jeneng works everyday as the coordinator. A Bekel Sepuh works only once every 45 days, a Bekel Anom works once every 105 days and a Wong Kraman works only once every 120 days. Jeneng and Bekel are recruited from the descendants of Patih Keling (Adipati Suramenggala), formerly the captain of ship-wrecked sailors, who later became Sunan Gunung Jati's faithful servant, his body guard and a triumphant warrior at the same time. Wong Kraman, on the other hand, are recruited from the descendants of his men sailors. Each rotation (once every 15 days) is marked by a ceremony called tampan (handing down the duty) from the former group to the successor in a semi traditional military procedure. This procedure is preserved including the wording which is kept intact. The following is an example of how a Bekel Sepuh reports to Ki Jeneng at the initiation:
“Yes Kyai, I was entrusted by Kyai to care for the tomb of Sultan Sepuh Raja Sulaeman; now, I have just handed the duty onto Bekel Sepuh named (…he mentions the successor) who has taken my job. I would like to report that there has been nothing wrong in and around the site. I apologise if there is something that does not satisfy you. I hereby ask your permission to do ziarah at the tomb of Sunan Gunung Jati”.[55]
Along with this graveyard custodian there is also a group of mosque caretakers called kaum, headed by a penghulu.[56] He is assisted by 12 staff consisting of 3 ketib (katib), 4 modin (muadzin) and 5 kemit (technical assistants). They work in rotation on a weekly basis from Thursday to Wednesday. Everyday the penghulu directs 3 staff, a ketib, a modin and a kemit. The Penghulu gives a sermon and leads (ngimami) the Friday prayer and the tahlil at Pasambangan on Thursday night with Ki Jeneng. The ketib (secretary) is his direct assistant who represents the penghulu in case the latter is unable to do something and to lead daily congregational prayer at the mosque. Outside the mosque he cares for the corpse when a death occurs. The modin strikes the kentong and bedug followed by the call for prayer to signal to the surrounding villagers every time prayer time comes; whereas the kemit is in charge of doing technical work in general, including taking care of and cleaning the mosque. All personnel, both for the grave complex and the mosque, are named by the Sultans of Kesepuhan and Kanoman and, thus, they formally work for the sultans. In fact most of the land at Desa Astana is owned by the kraton.[57]
The complete reference for Kramat Trusmi is Kramat Mbah Buyut Trusmi. It is located in Desa Trusmi in Weru Sub-District, about 7 km West of Cirebon and 1.5 km north of the Cirebon-Bandung or Cirebon-Jakarta main road. Public transport to this kramat is plentiful and available from Cirebon by taking a small passenger car to Plered, the main town of Weru, then from Plered directly to the kramat by becak. This kramat is the second most important site after Astana in terms of visitors and traditional festivals, although in size it is smaller than Astana. Unlike Astana, which is under the direct control of the kraton, Trusmi is now independent, although formerly it also belonged to the kraton. Recruitment of the custodians, requires that each candidate should be the descendant of a past custodian, but in many cases, the final decision on who is appointed, involves the desa officials, especially the chief (kuwu now kades), rather than the sultan. When this sort of independence commenced is unclear.
The revered figure of this kramat is known as Ki Buyut Trusmi from which the kramat's name is derived. Buyut means great grand-father, but the term Ki Buyut refers to the ancestor, the founder of the desa where the kramat is located. Who is really meant by Ki Buyut Trusmi is still unclear. Whether it is Walangsungsang, the owner and the founder of the kramat, Ki Gede Trusmi, the ancestor or the first settler at Trusmi, or Pangeran Trusmi, grandson of Ki Gede Trusmi and Walangsungsang does not appear to be known. According to the legend the name Trusmi is derived from terus (instantly) semi (spring up). Thus terus semi means ‘to spring up instantly.’ It is said that once Ki Gede Bangbangan, the first settler in the area, was sitting in front of his cottage enjoying with pride a site around the cottage he had just cleared. Suddenly he heard a mysterious voice saying: “Assalamu'alaikum (peace be upon you).” Immediately all the weeds and trees he had just cleared sprang up again and returned to their former condition thus spoiling all his hard work. While he was looking around with a mixture of sadness and astonishment two men walked toward him with a greeting saying: “Assalamu'alaikum.” The voice and tone of the two men saying the words was precisely similar to what he had mysteriously heard. A dialogue occurred between Ki Gede Bangbangan and the two men and it turned out that the men were Pangeran Cakrabuana and Sunan Gunung Jati. As a result of this unexplainable event Ki Gede Bangbangan finally embraced Islam and the area became known as Trusmi; Ki Gede Bangbangan became Ki Gede Trusmi.
Like many other sites, Kramat Trusmi consists of two sections, one section is separated from the other by a space which functions as a pathway from the West entrance of the kramat to the East entrance. The first section is in the south, comprising the mosque and its annex, whereas the other section is to the north being the tombs section where the revered figures, Ki Gede Trusmi and Pangeran Trusmi, are buried. Both sections are surrounded by a wall two metres high made up of an uncemented stack of ancient bricks. The sacredness of the complex, although unclear, is attributed more to Walangsungsang (Pangeran Cakrabuana), the founder of Cirebon, who is said to have built the complex. Walangsungsang, the founder of Cirebon, stayed at Cirebon Girang but his son, Pangeran Carbon, married Nyai Cupluk, daughter of Ki Gede Trusmi and had a son named Pangeran Trusmi or Mangana Jati who stayed at Trusmi. The oldest building Walangsungsang erected is called witana. This stands for wiwit ana meaning the first that existed (was built). Witana was used by Walangsungsang to rest in and to teach Islam. It lies next to pekulahan, a pond for bathing and ablution which is watered from the adjacent river. Next to witana lies the mosque, one main part of the kramat which, although it has undergone extensive renovation, still maintains its antiquity by the preserved structure of the building, the style of its wooden roof (sirap), pillars, and memolo (peak), its pulpit and the water jars (padasan) for ablution.
The tomb section consists of a pendopo (a hall to receive guests), pekuncen (quarters for key bearers on duty), two jinem (stands for si-ji kang ne-nem, one consisting of six) on the West and East, each of which accommodates pilgrims who stay overnight, a stone room where a collection of 17 stones are kept, a room where key bearers change their clothes, paseban (the hall where the pilgrims doing ziarah go), and the gedongan (‘brick building’) where the tombs of Ki Buyut Trusmi and Pangeran Trusmi lie. All are under the responsibility of a group of 9 caretakers called kuncen headed by a sep (key bearer in chief) who is recruited by election in the same way as a desa chief is elected. The present sep is the 15th generation since Walangsungsang (Cakrabuana). The 10th of which was Ki Thalhah, who is a prominent mursyid of the Qadiriyah wan Naqsabandiyah order in West Java and student of Syeikh Khatib Sambas, a Jawah who lived in Mecca, and the founder of the order.[58]
The sep is assisted by four (juru) kunci (key bearers) and four kyai, assistants to the kunci; each being appointed by the Sep from among the descendants of previous kuncen.[59] The total number of nine for the custodians (according Ki Turdjani, one of the kunci at Trusmi), has a double reference. One reference is to the work of the nine wali, the founders of Islam on Java, and the other is to the nine world founders of Islam comprising The Prophet, the four Caliphs who succeeded the Prophet's (Abu Bakr, Umar, Utsman and Ali), and the four Imam, founders of the schools of syare'at who followed the Caliph (Hanafi, Maliki, Hanbali and Syafi'i). In this hierarchy, the kunci rank higher than the kyai. This is analogous to the fact that the Caliph rank higher than the imam of the four schools. Along with the kuncen there are also kaum and kemit. Kaum are the mosque custodians headed by a lebe who has a similar function to the penghulu at Astana. He is assisted by a ketib and two modin. The kemit consists of four people who are engaged in technical work for both the graveyard and the mosque. The total number of custodians is therefore 17, representing the total number of units of five prescribed prayers. The Sep at Trusmi, like the Jeneng at Astana, works everyday; the others work in shifts of a week each from Thursday afternoon each week and thus, everyday there are always 5 persons on duty: a sep, a kunci, a kyai, a kaum and a kemit.
The physical structure of the kramat and the traditions within it, Ki Turjani said, also conveys symbolic messages which lay stress on recounting the meaning of Islam as a religion of peace (rukun/damai). The total length of the surrounding wall for example, is 60 depa; the number, 60 alludes to the number of the prophets known by most Muslims, 25 of whom are messengers (rasul) for whom the Prophet Muhammad serves as the seal (the 25th). The notion of 25 messengers and the seal is signified at the traditional Maulid festival (muludan) at Trusmi held on 25th of Mulud. The use of depa (stretching the two hands apart making a straight line of approximately 1.75 metre long) as a way of measuring a unit of length is to reflect that each prophet led mankind onto the straight path (sirat al-mustaqim), the only way man can live safely in this world and the hereafter. On the wall throughout the complex there are also 60 domes of piled brick (candi laras) to represent the idea that among the messages brought by each of the 60 prophets is the idea of living in harmony (selaras) with each other, and with nature and, above all, with God.
The entrance to the kramat is called gapura (forgiveness) meaning that the main purpose for everyone visiting the place is to seek forgiveness from God both for himself and for others (the living and the deceased). Passing through the eastern entrance which leads to the mosque, one encounters a ‘veil’ in the form of a brick wall (kuta hijab) which obstructs one's view. This wall which is about 2 metres wide and 2 metres high signifies that if someone has an intention to perform ibadat (going to the mosque) that person should have made a firm decision and be generous, only for God's sake, not for any other reasons. The same understanding should be held when passing through the western entrance leading to the pendopo to meet people and to the pekuncen (place of kunci) for ziarah (visit) or sedekah (offering) or other means of establishing a relationship with people, dead or alive. The notion of generosity is further accentuated when inside the kramat, close to the well, one will find kapianjing and blimbing wulu trees standing side by side. The kapianjing tree is to signal that anyone who enters (manjing) either the mosque or the grave-site must first be clean hearted and spiritually pure. The outward expression of this is indicated by taking a ritual ablution (banyu wulu) represented by the blimbing wulu tree. The first section of the kramat, the mosque, represents syare'at, the worldly life; whereas the second, the grave, resembles hakekat, life after death. Life in this world, should be used to prepare for the life after death.
The jinem which stands for (si)ji kang (ne)nem (one which contains six) alludes to the Decrees of Faiths which are six in number (Belief in God, the Angels, the Messengers, the Holy Books, the Day of Judgement and God's Pre-destination). Jinem lies at both West and East, meaning that wherever and whenever one goes or stays, eastward or westward, at the place where the sun rises or at place where the sun sets, the faiths must be preserved. The enactment of the faith is the holding of the Five Pillars of Islam, the most important of which is the observance of the five prescribed daily prayers whose total number of units is 17, signified by the 17 persons who are custodians, and the collection of 17 stones put on the ground. The stones are of different size from the smallest of 60 grams to the largest of about 27 kg. The largest one, which alludes to the tauhid (the unity of God), the key of Islamic religion, is surrounded by the others.
It would be a long list if everything in this complex were to be enumerated. But the important thing is, according to Ki Turjani, there are sufficient grounds to deduce from these examples that Islam is a religion of peace. Islam has been presented by the wali to local people in peaceful and subtle ways, using a gradual approach, indirect persuasion and exemplary models. In this way aspects of Islam as a religion of peace and harmony were strongly emphasised. To this end the use of allegorical expressions, mythical stories, and symbolic representation in conformity with the existing condition, world view and traditions have inevitably become a major feature.
[49] Some other traditions equates Sheikh Nurul Jati with Datuk Kafi; both names, according to these traditions belong to the same person. Some informants speculated that the name Kafi is probably from Arabic kahf, meaning cave and associated him with the cave adjacent to the supposed site of his school, now his tomb. He is then thought of as the master of the cave because he is said to have used it as a place of seclusion. The name Khafid, on the other hand is associated with his function as a Qur'anic teacher who himself was a khafid (one who memorises the whole Qur'an).
[50] Now the name Pasambangan refers only to the Pekemitan, a watch hall for the caretakers of the grave complex.
[51] The Candra Sangkala (memorial statement) of Sirna (disappear) Tanana (nothing) Warna (four) Tunggal (one), according to Juru Kunci, refers to the number of 0041 which is to be read from right to left. It indicates the Saka Era (SE) which starts at AD 78.
[52] This main gate however, does not constitute one of the nine gates leading to Sunan Gunung Jati's tomb. (See the sketch of the grave complex).
[53] See Chapter Five. A detailed list of prominent occupants at this complex, see: Atja (1986), Carita Purwaka …, pp. 105–112.
[54] The names of the seven wells (sumur) are thus: 1) Jati, 2) Kesepuhan, 3) Kanoman, 4) Kejayaan, 5) Tegang Pati 6) Jala Tunda, and 7) one whose name I missed. It is located within the mosque precinct, next to the women's resting/bath room.
[55] Its original Javanese reads: “Inggih sampun Kyai sakala wau kula dituwawi dumateng Kyai kangge ngormeni Gusti Sultan Sepuh Pangeran Raja Sulaeman, sapuniki sampun kula tampiaken dumateng Bekel sepuh ingkang nami (…) ngagolong pedamelan dalem. Lan malih ngaturi uninga salebete lan sajawine pangubeng Dalem boten wonten salah sawios. Bilih wonten salah sawios kirang penggarapan nyuwun dituwakup. Sinareng saniki kula permios nyuwun izin bade ziarah.”
[56] The present penghulu is Kyai Qasim, descendant of Sunan Gunung Jati. He is also local mursyid of Qadiriyah wan-Naqsabandiyah order. Most of his followers come from Bekasi, Subang, Karawang and Indramayu regencies.
[57] See map of Astana.
[58] Mursyid is a leader who has an authority to initiate a new follower of a tarekat (Sufi order). Khatib Sambas (d. 1875) was a prominent 19th century Indonesian scholar in Mecca, born in Kalimantan. (For a short description, see: Dhofier, 1985:85–87). He is regarded as the one who combined Qadiriyah and Naqsabandiyah doctrines into a single order, the Qadiriyah wan Naqsabandiyah. This order might have had a stronghold at Trusmi and Astana. The present penghulu Astana mosque grave complex is a local mursyid who traces his spiritual genealogy through Ki Thalhah. Aba Sepuh, father of Aba Anom of Pesantren Surialaya (Tasikmalaya, southern West Java) was also initiated by Ki Thalhah. See: Nasution, H. (1990), ed, Thoriqot Qodiriyah Naqsabandiyyah: Sejarah Asal-Usul, dan Perkembangannya, Tasikmalaya: IAILM.
[59] At Trusmi the way to refer to juru kunci (key bearer) is by just using the term kunci or Ki Kunci, meaning key. The word juru (holder or bearer) is omitted. A group of kunci is called kuncen.