Statistical records, official or otherwise, indicate that the majority of Indonesians and the majority of Javanese (about 90 per cent), profess Islam. This means that even before considering whether the overall influence of Islam on Java is deep or rudimentary, this statistical data alone may provide grounds to assume that within the various Javanese socio-religious manifestations, there must be certain identifiable elements which can be considered as purely Islamic or which genuinely constitute parts of an Islamic tradition. Setting aside at the first stage, the extent to which Islam might have influenced Javanese socio-religious life, identifying and elucidating elements of an Islamic tradition within the Javanese society is a challenging task. With special reference to Cirebon, a region in north-coast Java, I would like to face this challenge and then explore the extent to which Islam has influenced Javanese social life.

Most historical accounts of Cirebon have always associated the region with the early development of Islam on Java and, in particular, in West Java. The rise of an Islamic kingdom, which has its roots in the 15th–16th century, would suggest that Cirebon has its own significant importance in the configuration of the Islamic era. The founder of the Islamic kingdom in Cirebon, Syarif Hidayatullah, later known as Sunan Gunung Jati, according to folk narratives is one of the wali or Islamic saints, the early propagators of Islam on Java. Although different traditions reveal different lists of wali, Sunan Gunung Jati is one whose name is always included on all wali lists. Older traditions such as the Babad Tanah Jawi and the Babad Kraton put forward eight wali, but each with different names. Those who are mentioned in the Babad Tanah Jawi are: Sunan Ampel, Sunan Giri, Sunan Bonang, Sunan Gunung Jati, Sunan Kalijaga, Sunan/Shekh Siti Jenar (Lemah Abang) and Sunan/Shekh Wali Lanang. The Babad Kraton on the other hand, mentions: Sunan (Ng)Ampel, Sunan Giri, Sunan Bonang, Sunan Cirebon (Sunan Gunung Jati), Sunan Ngundung and Sunan Bantam.^[12] At present the most widely accepted tradition mentions nine wali (wali sanga), namely: Maulana Malik Ibrahim, Sunan (Ng)Ampel, Sunan Bonang, Sunan Giri, Sunan Gunung Jati, Sunan Drajat, Sunan Kalijaga, Sunan Kudus, and Sunan Muria.^[13] These wali are regarded as of ‘foreign’ origin, except for Sunan Kalijaga, who was a Javanese ‘native.’ At this stage, the narratives imply that Cirebon stood as an inseparable part of the whole and systematic network of Islam on Java. If the notion of ‘foreign’ and ‘native’ origin of the wali is drawn into a wider context, its implications crosscut the geographic boundaries of Java and the  archipelago. It is concerned with a worldwide Islamic network centred in the Middle East. This network was maintained and has evolved over centuries even during the period when Indonesia was under foreign rules.^[14] This network may have undergone up's and down's but it is certainly wrong to assume, as Geertz (1976) does, that Islam on Java was once totally cut off from the centre of Islamic learning in the Middle East and thus has lost its genuine genius and orthodoxy. It is this type of preserved Islam whose current manifestations I would like to identify.

According to local literary traditions, unlike other wali, who concern themselves mostly with religious matters while leaving other business to the king, Syarif Hidayatullah was himself a king beside being a wali.^[15] He therefore, bore in his hands both religious as well as political power, and had the possibility, if he wished, of either institutionalising religion in the polity or of using religion to exercise political interest. Due to his sainthood, he chose the first rather than the second. He maintained contact with other leaders of Islam at that period, but was not intent on making Cirebon a political force. He even summoned his uncle Cakrabuana to return to Cirebon to attend a meeting of the religious leaders of Java, wali sanga, the nine wali. That is why, as far as those traditions indicate, Cirebon never developed into an important state, as De Graaf and Pigeaud (1989) noted. He was too religious to have strong ambitions of becoming a politically powerful king. Moreover, Syarif Hidayatullah had already had Sabakingking, a son from his marriage with a noble princess of Banten, a ruler in Banten. Sabakingking was later known as Sultan Hasanuddin. Thus, he was satisfied that his son in Banten was politically powerful enough that it was unnecessary for him to pursue politics in Cirebon, and he could,  therefore, concentrate more on his religious mission. In addition, his sons in Cirebon, Jayakelana (who married Ratu Pembayun daughter of Raden Patah, King of Demak) and Bratakelana (who married Ratu Mas Nyawa, also a daughter of Raden Patah) preceded him, passing away soon after marriage. Later, Bratakelana's half brother, Pangeran Pasarean, who was supposed to be his direct successor, also died.^[16] From these multiple grieves his sainthood grew stronger and he turned to focus more on religious matters, while at the same time, he expected his son in Banten to be even more powerful. His grandson, Pangeran Swarga, son of Pangeran Pasarean, who succeeded him in Cirebon was still a young child and thus could not exercise an effective leadership. When Panembahan Ratu succeeded Pangeran Swarga, Cirebon was left behind while Banten had already become an established empire vis-a-vis Mataram in Central Java.

Whether or not this narrative is warranted, my main concern at this stage is to suggest at least two things. One is that Islam in Cirebon may already have been long established at the early stage of Javanese conversion to Islam; the other is that Islam in Java has become part of folk tradition. These observations provide grounds to assume that Islam may have a strong influence on Javanese social life. Under such an assumption, looking at how Islam manifests itself and molds people's traditions is an interesting subject to deal with.