CHARITY AND OTHER PRACTICES OF IBADAT

The glory of Fasting reaches its climax on Riaya, the first day of Syawal (Shawwal), the tenth month of the Islamic calendar. It marks the end of Puasa, where requirement of abstinence from eating, drinking, smoking and sexual intercourse during the day time is removed. At riaya every single household has a feast. Preparation for this, of such things as new clothing, nice food and special dishes are made a few days earlier. Funding for this is anticipated for several months. Since everyone does the same thing, from the middle of Fasting month  onward, market activities increase considerably (mremaan) and culminate a few days before riaya. Their peak is two days before riaya on what is called mrema cilik and one day before on what is called mrema gede. The village environment is cleansed; houses and fences are painted. Of particular importance is tipar (cleansing the cemeteries from weeds and grass). Every household has a share in cleaning the graves of relatives and elders to make the visit on riaya comfortable. Like the beginning of Puasa, riaya is signified by the sound of peteter from the mosque but unlike Puasa where the sound of peteter takes only about ten to fifteen minutes, at Riaya peteter is sounded continuously on three periods, from 4.00 p.m. of the last day of Ramadan until sunset, from the break after evening prayer (‘Isya) to twelve midnight, and from the break after ‘Id prayer in the morning until noon of riaya. In the evening, accompanying the incessant sound of peteter, a group of people gather at mosques and prayer houses for takbiran (to chant a long version of takbir, exalting God in Arabic). The verse of the takbir follows the tradition of other parts of the Muslim world although the chanting melody must be peculiarly local. The verse of the takbir translates as follows:

God is the Greatest (three times),
There is no god but (the true) God.
God is the Greatest, God is the Greatest,
and His is the praise.

Surely God is the Greatest.
His is the abundant praise,
Glory to Him, day and night,
There is no god but God, the One true God,
He fulfilled His promise, supported His servant,
granted His soldiers a manifest victory,
and inflicted decisive defeat on the allied enemies,
There is no god but God,
and we worship none but Him, with sincere devotion,
even though the disbelievers may resent it.

O God! Exalt and have blessings on our Master Muhammad,
And on the people of our Master Muhammad,
And on the supporters of our Master Muhammad,
And on the wives of our Master Muhammad,
And on the descendants of our Master Muhammad,
All salute all of them with much peace.[46]

Takbiran is also performed by groups of people who march around throughout the village with candlelight and fire-sparkles; some others use trucks, large and small, equipped with sound systems, by which they go around forming mobile groups of takbiran (takbir keliling). The sound of takbiran ceases at dawn when the call to morning prayer is sounded. It starts again after morning prayer through the commencement of ‘Id prayer, and from the break up of ‘Id prayer until noon.

Meanwhile, since the first beat of peteter, exchanges of foods occur between households. Women and girls do almost all the work in the preparation for exchanging food; an example of the short courtesies which occur in the exchange of food is as follows:

… a girl from a neighbouring house comes to Man Pingi's house with a large tray on her left shoulder. Her left hand supports the tray from below and her right hand crosses her chest holding the tray at the edge. She is bringing food for Man Pingi (a Qur'anic teacher). She stops at the door saying: “kula nuwun” (“may I enter”); then Bu Pingi (Man Pingi's wife), the hostess, answers in a smiling welcome: “mangga” (“please”), and she asks the girl to come in. The girl puts the tray down on the table and waits until the food is taken from the tray. While emptying the food onto her plates and bowls Bu Pingi smiles and says: “Girl, is it riaya? Where are you going for a picnic in riaya?” The girl answers: “I really don't know, Mum, that is what people say and I have not decided yet where to go.” Then she asks for permission to leave the house and brings the empty dishes back with her. Bu Pingi answers with thanks and accompanies her up to the door. Man Pingi's family gets various kinds of food from others; in return his wife (Bu Pingi) also sends her own to neighbouring households.[47]

Along with the exchange of foods, riaya in the village is marked by the crisscrossing of people who go and return from paying zakat. Zakat, which is either staple food (zakat fitrah) or wealth (zakat pekaya or mal) constitutes the third pillar of Islam. Zakat fitrah is a must and a duty imposed on all Muslim household heads  who possess the amount of zakat after providing food for himself and those whom he feeds for a day and a night, together with the expenditure which he incurs for his dependants such as wife and children. It is paid in staple food (3.5 litres of rice per person) as purification for the one who fasts from vain things, and as a help and sustenance to the poor. Zakat pekaya is imposed by Islam for those who have a surplus. It comes from the assumption that within the abundance we get, there is a certain amount which is not really ours. Roughly, zakat pekaya amounts to 2.5 per cent of the surplus one keeps throughout the year, excluding non commercial things such as private abode, personal clothing, furniture, means of transport and equipment. Unlike zakat pekaya which by and large is paid in money and usually handled by adults or parents a few days before riaya, zakat fitrah is handed from parents and taken by boys and girls directly to the individual recipient whom the parents have already ascertained. Sometimes it is sent indirectly via an amil at the evening of riaya until dawn in the morning before going to ‘Id prayer (sembayang riaya).[48]

As soon as they have finished morning prayer, men, women, boys and girls, in their finest clothes and perfume (including those who usually known as non-observers) go to the desa mosques, prayer houses and public squares where the congregation for ‘Id prayer is held. In Kalitengah, some prayer houses also hold a congregation but the largest, attended by more than 1,500 people, is at the desa mosque. In Kalitengah, Muhammadiyah holds its own congregation at the public square and this is attended by around 200 followers, including the members from the neighbouring desa. The prayer starts at 7.30 a.m., two raka'at, led by an Imam. The  prayer is no different from ordinary prayers except that at the beginning of the first and second raka'at, takbir is uttered nine and seven times respectively in an audible voice, instead of only once as at the ordinary prayer. The prayer is followed by a sermon which stresses the meaning and merits of zakat, more specifically the fitrah.[49] Concluded by du'a the sermon ends and everyone gets up to return home. While standing they shake each other's hands and thus, almost instantly, the congregation turns into a mass of people shaking hands. The act of shaking hands, called pangapuraan (pardoning each other) does not stop here but continues thereafter, everywhere and anywhere they meet each other. Returning from congregation, older people stay at home, whereas teenagers form groups, large and small. The members of each group are usually peers who are acquainted with each other. They go around the hamlets cheerfully, from door to door to see everyone they know, particularly elders, shake their hands and ask their pardon, saying: “Nyuwun pangapunten kula Man/Bi/Ki/Nyi…” (“I beg your pardon Mr/Mrs…”). If the person being visited is someone with whom they are well acquainted or another group of about the same age the phrase is less formal: “Njaluk pangapura isun ya Man/Bi or …(I ask for your pardon Mr/Mrs or … name); the person being visited or met answers in courtesies: “Sewangsule ya cung, nok, … ayo njagong dingin, njabur.” (“So do I, boy, girl, … please sit down and have a bite). In return the visitors reply: “Kesuhun, mengkin malih mawon, kulae ajeng mrika krihin.” (“Thank you but we have to visit others first, we shall come again later”). In some households where they are well known, however, they drop in for some time, to be served with food and drinks while talking, chatting, joking and teasing, sharing happiness and cheer with each other.

While teenagers are going around the hamlets rushing from house to house to ask for pardon and forgiveness from the occupants, adult married men and some older people, sometimes with their grown up male children, visit the graves of their deceased relatives and elders to ngembang or nyekar (to put flowers on the graves). They pray for the deceased's well being and for the mercy of God, concluding by putting kembang selasih on the graves, between the grave stones.[50] After ngembang, they go around with their family members, especially wife and children, visiting their living elders and relatives on both the husband's and the wife's sides. For those who have many relatives the visits by family members may take a few days. To miss visiting a particular family especially an elder on riaya (or the subsequent days) without reason is considered contemptuous and something that everyone should avoid. Sending cards by mail is not enough and this is common only between friends and relatives living at different localities. It is even considered an insult to send a card to a father or mother in-law. An ordinary handwritten letter, not a card, however, is acceptable for those who live in the tanah sebrang (outside Java) or in Java but have difficulties that make a visit impossible. Along with its religious sacredness, Riaya or Lebaran or Iedul Fitri (‘Id al Fitr) is thus used by Cirebonese as an occasion by which solidarity and kinship ties, which may have loosened over the previous months, are reaffirmed.

Muslims everywhere, including the Cirebonese have in fact, two main Holidays known throughout Java as Riaya or Lebaran; one is ‘Id al-Fitr, the festival at the end of the Fast and the other is ‘Id al-Adha, the Festival for Sacrifice. In Cirebon they are called R(i)aya Kecil and R(i)aya Agung.[51] Riaya Kecil refers to the  celebration at the end of the Fast, whereas Riaya Agung, which falls on the 10th day of Raya Agung. (Dzu'l-Hijjah), the twelfth month of either Javanese or Islamic calendar, follows on the completion of the course of pilgrimage to Mecca (Hajj). People do the same things and observe the same traditions on both Riaya Kecil and Riaya Agung but unlike Riaya Kecil which is marked by zakat, Riaya Agung is marked by sacrificing cattle (goats, sheeps, buffaloes and oxen). The animals for sacrifice must be male, healthy and in perfect condition with reasonable weight. They can be obtained quite easily everywhere because for the ‘Id occasion, many people take the opportunity to become casual retailers. The price of cattle generally increases by more than double; a good sheep for sacrifice, which usually costs Rp 160,000.00 becomes Rp 350.000.00 two days before Riaya Agung.

The slaughtering which occurs on three consecutive days from the break up of ‘Id prayer is done individually or in mass, organised mainly by the mosques and prayer houses.

In Kalitengah, at the time when the ‘Id prayer was performed, I saw seven sheep and one water buffalo slaughtered in the yard of desa mosque. Whereas Pak Shofie had only one sheep of his own to be slaughtered individually at his prayer house. He invited his neighbours to witness the slaughtering, help him skin the animal, have satay (barbecue) and distribute the meat. Except for a few seconds at the moment of slaughtering, when the knife is applied to the animal's neck, at which time Basmalah and Salawat are uttered in a murmur by the slaughterer preceding the flow of the animal's blood, everything seems to be very technical; neither a solemn nor a sacred expression is exhibited by those who attend. Unless one knows that it has a transcendental basis (God's order, rooted in the story of Abraham and Ismael, and coinciding with other Muslims who are doing pilgrimage in Mecca) the sacrifice, at the first glance, is no more than a process of butchery and distribution of meat. So is zakat, both zakat pekaya and zakat fitrah, no more than the collection  and distribution of money and rice. To the people nevertheless, these rituals are both ibadat and adat at the same time.

Plate 8: Attending sermon at 'Id prayer.
Plate 8: Attending sermon at 'Id prayer.

Plate 9: Pak Shofie (third from left) and his sons pray at Pak Shofie's mother's tomb after 'Id prayer (at left is the researcher).
Plate 9: Pak Shofie (third from left) and his sons pray at Pak Shofie's mother's tomb after 'Id prayer (at left is the researcher).