Chapter 7. The Transmission of Religious Traditions: The Role of Pesantren

Table of Contents

INTRODUCTION
THE GENERAL FEATURE OF RELIGIOUS TRANSMISSION
Ngaji
Mesantren
Sekolah Madrasah
THE ROLE OF PESANTREN: THE CASE OF BUNTET
The location and setting
Administration and Leadership
THE RISE AND DEVELOPMENT OF PESANTREN BUNTET
The early period: Mbah Muqayim
Kyai Mutta'ad (1785–1852)
Kyai Abdul Jamil (1842–1919)
Kyai Abbas (1879–1946)
Kyai Mustahdi Abbas (1913–1975)
Kyai Mustamid Abbas (1975–1988) and Kyai Abdullah Abbas (1988–…)
THE PESANTREN IN OPERATION: AN EXAMPLE OF DAILY ACTIVITIES

INTRODUCTION

Carilah ilmu walau kemana
Walau adanya dinegeri Cina
Itulah sabda junjungan kita
Harus dikejar dengan segera.

Seek knowledge wherever it is
No matter if it is in China
That is what our master (the Prophet) insisted
It has to be sought immediately.

In the preceding Chapters I have discussed the major religious traditions that currently prevail in Cirebon. Some traditions may be independently transmitted by one individual to make it known or accessible to others. An example of this is the accession of “ilmu ghaib” or “ilmu hikmah” from an owner (master) to a learner. In this Chapter, however, I would like to focus my discussion on how the main corpus of the traditions is institutionally transmitted from one generation to the next in a more formal and systematic manner. It is not difficult to find out the main institutions responsible for this. They are widely known, being found everywhere within the society itself. They are the household, the madrasah (modern religious school) and the pesantren (traditional boarding school). With special reference to Buntet, the biggest pesantren in Cirebon, I wish to focus my attention in this Chapter on discussing the role of pesantren.

The verse at the beginning of this Chapter reflects a pesantren tradition. The teacher, Pak Nawawi (47 years), who wrote the verse, is a pesantren graduate. He composed the verse as a part of the lyrics to be sung by his students at the private primary religious school (Madrasah Diniyah) of “Budi Tresna” in Desa Panembahan of Kecamatan Weru. The first two lines of the verse contain a message which has been derived directly from a well known hadith that says: “Seek knowledge, even as far away as China.” The last two lines accentuate the fact that the message is indeed derived from the hadith and thus its conclusion is that it is everyone's duty because it is an instruction from the Prophet and thus part of the Islamic doctrine. The verse suggests that among the local people the pursuit of knowledge, especially religious knowledge, and its transmission from one generation to the next lie at the very heart of their inner traditions and become something which is always worthy of encouragement.

Islam, following its Judeo-Christian predecessors, is a religion of Scriptures whereby the activity of teaching and learning is an inseparable part of its doctrine. In a real sense, learning is worship, so the study of God's words, the traditions of the Prophet, and the system of law derived from them are part of everyone's fundamental service demanded by God.[1] For Muslims the first revelation which marks Muhammad's prophecy is God's instruction to mankind (via Muhammad) to read.[2] Many verses revealed subsequently also exhort believers to engage in the pursuit of knowledge. To mention a few, there is God's advice to man to pray: “O, my Lord, advance me in knowledge” (QS 20:114). Further, there are God's assertions that those who have no knowledge are not equal to those who have (QS  39:9); that those who do not observe and try to understand are worse than cattle (QS 7:179); that the meaning of revelation becomes manifest to those ‘who have knowledge’ (QS 6:97) and those ‘who have understanding’ (QS 6:98); that whosoever has been given knowledge indeed has been given an abundant good (QS 2:269); that the basic qualifications for leadership are, among other things, knowledge and physical strength (QS 2:47); that by virtue of knowledge man is superior to angels and has been made vicegerent of God on earth (QS 2:30), etc.[3]

The enactment of these verses was also exemplified by Muhammad's apostolic career. After the first victory of 300 Muslims over 1000 Meccan Quraisyi unbelievers at Badr in AH 624, for example, Muhammad set all the prisoners free after requiring them to teach skills to the Muslims, especially reading and writing. He then insisted to his followers that someone who leaves his home in search of knowledge, actually walks in the path of God; that seeking knowledge is an obligation for every Muslim, male and female. Also his instruction: “Acquire knowledge, because he who acquires it in the way of the Lord performs an act of piety; he who disseminates it (the knowledge) bestows alms and he who imparts it to others performs an act of devotion to God.”[4] Concerning religious knowledge, for which Muhammad himself held the authority, he always insisted his followers should transmit (to others) everything from him.[5] Under this scriptural scheme the Muslims have a legitimate claim to having Islamic ethics for the spirit of seeking knowledge. The verse cited above, which in fact is derived from a hadith, is part of this scriptural ethical package. As we will see this package is clearly manifest is popular traditions.

In recent versions albeit more popular Babad,[6] Walangsungsang's and Rarasantang's being Muslims and their departure to Mecca for pilgrimage, as cited in the previous chapter, did not occur accidentally without precedence as the Babad Tjerbon of Brandes edition recounts. The popular Babad explain that Syeikh Qura of Pesantren Karawang paved the way for Islam to penetrate the core Hindu Pajajaran ruling house when he encouraged his student, Nyai Subanglarang, to respond positively to the wish of Prabu Siliwangi, the Hindu Pajajaran king, to marry her. This marriage produced Muslim offspring's, Walangsungsang, Rarasantang and Kian Santang. After a long adventure in seeking wisdom, Walangsungsang and Rarasantang finally became Syeikh Kahfi's students at Amparan Jati. Upon completion of their learning, Syeikh Kahfi advised Walangsungsang to open a settlement at a Tegal Alang-alang (Field of wild grass) in cooperation with the local elder, Ki Pangalang-alang. After Tegal Alang-alang grew into a busy village, it became Cirebon and eventually needed a sort of government. Ki Pangalang-alang was appointed the Kuwu (chief) and Walangsungsang his assistant. Upon Pangalangalang's death Walangsungsang succeeded him and became Pangeran Cakrabuana. Thus, it was after having settled in Cirebon and becoming the Chief's assistant, according to this Babad that Walangsungsang went to Mecca for pilgrimage. What happened with Walangsungsang and Rarasantang during the pilgrimage and later after his return to Cirebon, by and large accord with the scenario of the Babad Tjerbon which tells the story of the emergence of Cirebon kraton.

In other words, according to this Babad version, the Cirebon region, sprang up and developed from the teaching-learning enterprise of pesantren-like institutions.[7] Pesantren Krawang (Syeikh Qura) paved the way for Islam to penetrate the core of the Hindu Pajajaran kingdom, whereas Pesantren Amparan Jati (Syeikh Kahfi) paved the way for the establishment of an Islamic kingdom (kraton). In return, pesantren gained full recognition, legitimation and political support from the kraton.

The Babad scenario provides even more information than this, however. It says that both Walangsungsang (Cakrabuana) and Sunan Gunung Jati were themselves priest-king (raja-pandita), a kind of pre-Islamic title, the ruler and the priest (guru) at the same time whose performances were much more like missionary workers (Sufi wanderers) than rulers.[8] Their stories are more centred around preaching than ruling. They tended to use political power to ensure fruitful missionary efforts rather than the contrary, using religion to gain political benefits.[9] During their reign, as far as the Babad narrative is concerned, not only did the transmission of Islam enjoy political support, recognition and legitimation from the kraton but the kraton itself took over and established the mission of the pesantren. Such antiquities as Tajug Jalagrahan, Pengguron Kaprabon, the grand mosque of Kesepuhan, the Panjunan mosque and many sites now known as kramat are but a few examples that are taken  as evidence to substantiate this suggestion.[10] Consequently, the Cirebon kraton at that stage is represented as a missionary rather than a political institution. De Graaf's and Pigeaud's assessment may be right in arguing that Sunan Gunung Jati did not have substantial political power although clearly his spiritual charisma was acknowledged and highly respected by the Demak imperium and other Javanese royal circles.[11] This may indicate that Cirebon was not a political institution although to a certain extent it also exercised a quasi-political power. The extent to which Cirebon was known as a centre of learning and piety is witnessed, among others, by Hoadley (1975:10).[12]

This situation was maintained throughout the period when Cirebon stood as a fully independent state. The situation changed dramatically however, when, under Pangeran Girilaya who succeeded Panembahan Ratu, Cirebon lost its independence, being first, controlled by Mataram and then by the Dutch Company (VOC). Girilaya's lack of status as a religious teacher in comparison to his predecessors removed Amangkurat's hesitation in demoting Cirebon from ally to vassal. Girilaya and his two sons were invited by Amangkurat to visit Mataram where they were then held as hostages. During the 1660’s Amangkurat sent his governor to rule Cirebon on his behalf and thus Cirebon became the vassal of Mataram.[13] When Java was in chaos due to the Trunojoyo revolt, on April 30, 1681 Cirebon signed a contract for VOC's protection.[14] The cession of Cirebon to the VOC became official when, at the  end of the Trunojoyo revolt, the Mataram-VOC contract was signed on October 5, 1705, by which Mataram transferred its suzerainty over Cirebon and Priangan to the VOC.[15]

There is enough grounds to suppose that at the earlier stage predating the kraton era, the transmission of Islam in Cirebon was centred in the village (Syeikh Qura at Krawang and Syeikh Kahfi at Amparan Jati). Since Cirebon had its own ruling house under Cakrabuana and then developed into a kraton under Sunan Gunung Jati (circa 1570), and his successor, Panembahan Ratu (circa 1650), the centre of religious transmission moved from the village to the ruling house. In 1702 the VOC removed the main traditional function of the kraton by forbidding learning activities within it, leaving the kraton as a mere ruling house with lands and other possessions but with neither political nor economic power.[16] Religious transmission moved back to the village one hundred years after the death of Panembahan Ratu when Kyai Muqayim, the Kraton Religious Official (Penghulu Kraton), fled from the kraton to the village and established Pesantren Buntet. The kraton became more and more a colonial subject and finally collapsed while the pesantren, despite encountering hardships and suppressions, kept its independence and has continued to function until this day. It is on this pesantren that further discussions in this Chapter will be focused.