Table of Contents
In Kolojonggo, the customs and rituals reported by C. Geertz, R. Jay and Koentjaraningrat in the 1950s are still practised: it is not unusual to see a lamp lit in front of a new-born baby's house; marriages are most frequently held in the Javanese month of Besar; flowers and coins are thrown away while the funeral procession parades to the cemetery; incense is burned and offerings are made at tombs; and kendhuri are held at each point of passage in an individual's life.
The persistence of these customs and rituals comes as a surprise, considering that Islamic development in Kolojonggo has been led by reformist Islam, while reformist Islam in Indonesia has been said to oppose these practices strongly (Abdul-Samad,1991:65-66; Federspiel,1970:67-83; Geertz,1956:147; Irwan,1994:80; Nakamura,1976:277; Noer,1973:95; Peacock,1978a; Umar Hasyim,1990:1-6). The reasons for this opposition are twofold: these practices have no scriptural basis in the Quran and Hadith and are connected to magical power, negating the Oneness of Allah (Tauhid). Seen from this perspective, the persistence of these practices indicates that Muslim villagers in Kolojonggo are far from the right path to Allah and that, by performing these practices, they commit the worst sin in Islam, syirik (the negation of the Oneness of Allah)
This contrast raises a few questions: do the reformist villagers in Kolojonggo have the same understanding of traditional practices as reformist intellectuals?; If they have the same opinion, why have their efforts to Islamise all aspects of their life not included the issue of traditional practices and how do they explain their participation in these practices which jeopardise their whole religious life?; If the reformist villagers have a different view of traditional practices from reformist intellectuals, what is their perspective and how do they make them fit reformist Islam?
To answer these questions, this chapter will focus on the ways the reformist villagers in Kolojonggo have dealt with traditional practices which are thought by reformist intellectuals to be incongruent with reformist Islam. No unitary perspective is shared by the reformist villagers, but different individuals have different ideas about different practices. In spite of this diversity, however, two tendencies are clearly visible among the reformist villagers, namely to reinterpret traditional practices and their meanings in Islamic terms and to incorporate Islamic symbols in traditional practices in order to accommodate them better to the new socio-religious situation. In the first part of this chapter, a ritual called kendhuri or slametan which lies at the centre of all the ritual practices will be the focus; this will be followed by a discussion of some of the rites of passage.
After darkness falls on the village, several messengers visit their neighbours, informing villagers of a celebration of kendhuri in a certain household. As their coming is already expected, their visit is not a surprise. Taking a seat and exchanging brief greetings with the male head of a household, the messenger conveys the news of kendhuri and the intention of the host to invite him. This formal meeting does not last long, just two to three minutes. Soon after his message is delivered, the messenger asks permission to leave for the next house.
A person who is invited wears semi-formal Javanese clothes: a cap (peci), a batik shirt and a sarung or trousers. However, he does not head for the host's house immediately. He waits for his neighbours to come outside or visits them. Although not informed, everyone knows who will go to the kendhuri since invitations to the kendhuri of a certain household are delivered to the same group of villagers all the time.
The host and his few other close relatives and neighbours stand at the gate, waiting for the guests. They also wear semi-formal Javanese clothes. Whenever a group of guests appears, they smile and shake hands one by one. Then the guests are requested to go into the living room where the kendhuri is to be held. Upon entering the room, the guests disperse. Some go further inside the room, away from the door, while others settle down near the door. Except for the hamlet head (kepala dusun or kadus) who is in his mid 40s, the old villagers who already have a married child usually sit away from the door, near the spot reserved for the officiant of the kendhuri, kaum [2] . The relatively younger guests find their seats near the door or outside the room when it is crowded. Those who arrive late but are eligible to take inside seats are asked several times to do so by others who have come earlier. As there is usually a space inside the room, it is not difficult to accommodate them. If no space is available, those sitting near the door make room for them, causing a little disturbance. Those who are relatively young but have prestigious occupations such as teacher or civil servant generally do not want to sit inside, although they are usually asked to do so. They prefer to be with other villagers of the same age.
The guests sit down on the floor with their legs crossed. As they lean against the wall, they naturally face those sitting on the opposite side. While waiting for other guests, they talk freely amongst each other. It is not unusual to hear laughter and loud voices. When the room is almost filled, the kaum appears. His coming indicates that the kendhuri is about to begin.
When no more guests are expected, the ritual foods parceled in a bamboo box (besek) are delivered from the outside; in some cases, besek are already placed at the centre of the room before the coming of the guests. One besek is given to each person. If someone has been invited but does not come, his close neighbour is supposed to take a besek for him. Therefore, two or even three besek are allocated to those present. For several minutes, the room is once again in an uproar over the number of besek to be taken home. In loud voices, the guests keep checking the list of those absent and dispense besek to the right persons.
Confirming that each guest has received the due number of besek, a representative of the host, usually an old man known for his linguistic skill and closely linked to the host by blood, neighbourhood or friendship, opens the kendhuri. His opening remark (ujub) generally consists of two parts. First, he asks forgiveness for would-be mistakes in his speech and thanks the guests for coming. Second, he makes the purpose of the kendhuri public, for example, a celebration of a birth, and requests the participation of the guests in the coming ritual prayers. Then, he introduces the kaum who will take charge of the second phase of the kendhuri. Taking his turn, the kaum reiterates the intention of the host and recites Arabic prayers. While his prayer is going on, some of the Muslim guests place their flat hands on or over their laps, turn their palms upward and close their eyes. Whenever there is a short pause between the Arabic prayers, they chant 'amin'. Not all of those present, however, take this position. Some of them sit in silence, focusing their eyes on the mat or the wall. Others whisper to those sitting next to them. They just wait for the end of the Arabic chants which continue for three or four minutes. Rubbing the face with two bare hands signifies the completion of the kendhuri. All the guests get up quickly and return home, taking their besek. [3]