In this section, I will review the literature that examines the changes and development of Islam in Java, especially studies concerned with the pesantren and the role of the kiai. These sources examine (1) the system of pesantren education and its role in the formation of the pattern of Islamic belief and culture in Indonesia; and (2) the kiai's efforts in maintaining the pesantren and their social and political role in spreading and maintaining Islam in general. All of these studies were conducted in Javanese villages. The researchers used anthropological and sociological approaches, with participant observation and interviews as their main methods of collecting data.

An interesting study on Islam, especially on the Javanese kiai, was conducted by Geertz in the 1960s. The study has drawn the attention of both Indonesian and Western scholars interested in Islamic development in Indonesia. This study is of great significance since it laid a framework for understanding Javanese Islam. Geertz's study also illuminated the political problems of modern Indonesia in general. Nevertheless, this study has been criticised by some scholars (see Pranowo, 1991). Woodward (1989), for example, contends that Geertz failed in understanding the nature of the development of Islam in Java. Hodgson (1974) sees this failure as derived from his being too influenced by modernist Muslim perspectives. Notwithstanding this criticism, Geertz has pioneered modern Javanese Islamic studies. Later studies on Islam in Java always refer to Geertz's study.

These later studies differ from Geertz's approach in many respects, although they use his framework in a loose way. Horikoshi (1976) conducted research on the role of the kiai of West Java in maintaining the social order, while Dhofier (1980) focused on the kiai and pesantren, or what he calls “the pesantren tradition”. Dhofier presented the pattern of kiai-santri relationships and of traditional Islamic education. He also discussed the network of relationships between kiai in a wider geographical territory, and their reliance on close family relations. Other studies were conducted by Mansurnoor (1990), Usman (1991) and Pranowo (1991). These studies respectively analysed the kiai and the ‘ulama^[5] of Madura either as agents of change, the ‘ulama as religious elites, and the role of kiai and pesantren in creating the Islamic tradition. From these analyses, it is evident that the same cultural patterns exist for the ‘ulama in Javanese, Sundanese and Madurese society. The ‘ulama in these areas constitute an elite who have a strong influence in establishing a religious community. The pattern of value transmission which is institutionalised through the education system is also based on similar processes. Pondok (dormitories for santri) or madrasa (Islamic schools) in these areas are the main educational institutions and are seen by these researchers to be an important means of socialisation. Informal institutions of religious instruction are also a significant means in transmitting values, norms and religious symbols to the society.

In addition, ‘ulamaship in various regions in Java is hierarchical. Although the hierarchy is not formally created, there is a general recognition from Muslim society which influences the position of the ‘ulama. A higher ‘ulama will receive different treatment from those within society compared to a lower ‘ulama. According to these three latter studies, the hierarchical pattern of ‘ulamaship is sustained and institutionalised by the fact that ‘ulamaship or kiaiship is ascriptive in nature. This pattern is more evident in Madura, as observed by Mansurnoor, where the ‘ulamaship is inherited geneologically. An educated or erudite Muslim who would like to run a pesantren but does not come from a kiai family will have difficulty gaining the recognition of society since he does not have the proper social status (Mansurnoor, 1990:217). However, it should be realised that in areas other than Madura, there is a distinction between ‘ulamaship at a lower level and a higher level in relation to this question of ascription. At the higher level, as in Madura, ‘ulamaship in Java is mostly inherited, especially among those who run pesantren. This is because at a lower level, ‘ulamaship can be obtained by any Muslim in so far as he receives social recognition, while at a higher level ‘ulamaship requires considerable wealth. Almost all pesantren which complement a higher ‘ulamaship, for example, were built with the ‘ulama's own money. Also, because at a higher level ‘ulamaship needs a more extensive background of Islamic knowledge (most of the earlier great Javanese ‘ulama, for example, studied in Mecca for years before they reached their ‘ulamaship), it was only the ‘ulama with rich family backgrounds who could acquire that.

Nahdlatul Ulama (NU), an organisation established by the kiai, provides a forum for the discussion of all important issues facing the Muslim community in Indonesia. It has also produced a wide ranging network among kiai and has become a symbol of solidarity between them (Mansurnoor, 1990:319). It is through NU that the brotherhood and friendship between kiai are institutionalised; and it is also through NU that one's kiaiship is legitimised. A kiai who establishes a new pesantren, for example, needs recognition from his senior kiai for society to recognise his kiaiship. These networks of kiai relationships are not confined to the regency level; rather they constitute a national network, through which the kiai receives a variety of information which illuminates problems ranging from the religious to the political.

From these studies, it is evident that the critical role of the kiai lies in their position as religious leaders and teachers. The kiai are members of the village elite, who try to bring their community into an idealised situation as conceptualised by Islam. Each kiai also tries to interpret developments and changes in the socio-cultural and political fields in order that the people in villages can understand them.

While an ‘ulama in the past had quite a comprehensive role in his community, this role now seems to be eroding in contemporary Javanese society. The ‘ulama is another functionary, whose position is in competition with other social leaders. Usman (1991) in his research in Jombang, for example, found that some religious leaders are now less influential than some other functionaries, such as village heads. People do not ask the ‘ulama for advice about worldly matters as they did before. This change in the ‘ulama position may be caused by modernisation^[6] through which traditional values are threatened and lose their meaning being replaced by modern values. In addition, the change may also be caused by the fact that many ‘ulama cannot meet all the needs of people because of their limited secular knowledge — most of their knowledge is religious. Therefore people now turn to other functionaries, such as village heads, when they face problems relating to developments in their villages and their worldly lives.

In brief, it is evident that the studies under review explored the nature of the ‘ulama's world and described the general pattern of relationships between the ‘ulama and their followers. Although some of the ‘ulama's traditional relationship with their followers continues to the present, Usman's research shows that there are some changes occurring in the ‘ulama's position in the wider society. Thus the pattern of relationship between the ‘ulama and society in general is in the process of change.

It should be stressed that Usman's findings are worth noting since they contradict the views of other scholars. Compared to other studies, Usman's findings indicate changes in relation to the ‘ulama's role in general, which give rise to a change in their position in the wider society. Nevertheless, there are many questions which remain unanswered, since Usman only focused on the role of the religious leader in relation to that of other functionaries in development projects conducted in three villages. Usman's study does not consider how the kiai exercises his power in Javanese society in general. This study will attempt to address this question by focusing on the kiai's role in politics. This issue is important because, at the formal level of organisation, Muslim society conceptualises no separation between politics and religion, and maintains that political decisions and attitudes should be religiously legitimate. One aspect I will consider in detail in this thesis is the extent to which the kiai's political actions influence their followers.

I chose Jombang as the place of research because it is often regarded as a ‘microcosm’ of Indonesian Islam. Firstly, Jombang has a large number of pesantren located in certain districts. Secondly, it has three active tarekat (sufi orders) organisations which involve thousands of Muslims. Finally, kiai in Jombang have long been involved in politics. Because of their close relations with the kiai, a situation which made them imitate the kiai's political example, the majority of Muslims in Jombang are affected by politics, and in general are ‘active’ in politics. The long existence of pesantren has enabled them to perform what is called ‘Islamic politics’. In addition, some kiai in Jombang were, or are still active politically in NU's national leadership. This means that very often political change among Muslims in Jombang is a result of political change at a national level.