Since there is no longer any real problem in regard to the relationship between the various Muslim groups in Jombang, as illustrated by their willingness to strengthen the ukhuwa Islamiya, the major effort of Muslims in Jombang is hence focused on moulding people's religiosity by extending da‘wa activities. While the da‘wa has traditionally been performed among the devout Muslims, in present day Jombang it is also conducted among the less devout. For NU activists, such extensions of da‘wa are a realisation of the policy of ‘back to khittah’. With this policy NU is not only trying to accelerate its program of education and da‘wa among its members, but also to extend such effort to the less devout.

The pattern of da‘wa (preaching) carried out by Islamic leaders or da‘i (preacher) in Jombang has changed. Some da‘wa are planned by Islamic organisations, but such da‘wa do not touch on the existing socio-cultural life of the less devout society in any radical way. The da‘wa is merely a medium to deliver Islamic messages. In Ngepeh village which used to be a communist village in Ngoro district, the pengajian movements organised by the Muslimat (female NU organisation) and alhidayah (a government sponsored institution) are established on a family basis. These pengajian move from house to house every fortnight. Similar pengajian are found in other districts. They are a breakthrough which not only indicates the increased interest of Muslims in giving da‘wa, but also a change in the relationship between various Islamic groups^[26]. This pattern of da‘wa will not only prevent open conflict, derived from group exclusivism, but will also introduce new values that are properly pious from an Islamic perspective.

Factors contributing to the success of such da‘wa include the persuasive nature of the da‘wa conducted by kiai and other da‘i in Jombang, and the current culture of the kiai and their practice of Islam. There is no significant conflict with or refusal of such da‘wa on the part of the less devout. The adaptive nature of Jombang's NU society has made the da‘wa of its kiai acceptable. The kiai, for example, does not prohibit the practice of slametan. This is not only because NU has a similar practice but also because there is clearly some Islamic influence in the slametan practice of the less devout. For the kiai, the problem is not how to exclude such a syncretic practice from his da‘wa, but rather how to incorporate it and colour it with Islam.

It is commonly understood that da‘wa should be conducted in a very smooth way. Da‘wa should not confront or criticise other groups. According to one pesantren leader^[27], such da‘wa is in line with what is ordered by Islam. In his view, the existence of pluralistic Islamic groupings in Indonesia should be properly understood. Such groupings should be accepted in the context of the different understanding of Islam itself held by various segments of the Islamic community. Islam in Indonesia, he said further, varies in terms of its practice of ‘ibada and of the religious quality of its adherents. The level of devoutness is hence just a nuance or a degree of the quality of belief that can be attained by any Muslim. The difference between the devout and the less devout is therefore a matter of quality; it does not touch on the theological domain. This kiai asked his colleagues to delete terms or jargon such as abangan which can split the umma. He mentioned several misconceptions regarding the concept of abangan. Not only is such a concept politically disadvantageous for the unity of the Islamic community, but also the content or meaning of this concept is misleading, since it has been distorded for political ends^[28].

The same strategy has been adopted by other Islamic organisations. Muhammadiyah has changed its pattern of da‘wa among Muslims in Jombang, especially among the less devout. Muhammadiyah, with its idea of purification, has traditionally tried to cut off or cleanse Islam from traditions adopted by the less devout (abangan). It typically applies a concept of bid‘a, which basically rejects religious beliefs such as practised by the abangan. But with its efforts to be more accommodating to the existing culture, it has tried to be less radical in its da‘wa among the abangan. Muhammadiyah in Jombang is gradually gaining new members from among former abangan. A young Muhammadiyah activist in Ngoro suggested that the change in strategy to be more accommodating to the existing socio-cultural situation is a necessity if Muhammadiyah wants to be accepted by Jombang society. He conducted a door-to-door da‘wa encouraging the people around his neighbourhood (who are mostly abangan) to attend pengajian and practise Islam in their daily lives without promoting his Muhammadiyah message. He avoided the criticisms commonly made by a few NU da‘i which impinge on the abangan's way of life. He helped the poor and sick abangan who could not afford medical treatment by asking Muhammadiyah clinics in his district to give free medical treatment.

The accommodative nature of Muhammadiyah da‘wa in Ngoro district has resulted in the sympathetic acceptance of the abangan who attend its pengajian. In a Muhammadiyah pengajian, I was initially surprised when I met my young neighbour in Ngoro. I was surprised because I knew that in his daily life this young Javanese was abangan in character. He organised cock fights, and on certain occasions, such as the festival for commemorating Indonesian independence, he was assigned to be one of the committee members of the ‘Jaran Kepang’ performance (a Javanese performing art). When I asked him why he attended Muhammadiyah's pengajian, he told me that the Muhammadiyah da‘i  focused more on what Islam is and what Muslims should do to face the future rather than criticising the Javanese way of life. He noted further that some NU da‘i often made criticisms which impinged on ethical problems of Javanese daily life, such as going to the toilet and other matters. This was offending to him in many respects.

It is clear that the effort of da‘wa of various Islamic organisations and the change in their attitude towards the less devout has resulted in a change in their religiosity. At least the younger generation of the less devout Muslims in Jombang differ from their parents in their view of Islam and the devout society in general. A number of important factors have contributed to this change. One already discussed is the da‘wa program carried out effectively by various Islamic organisations. Another relates to changes in the process of primary socialisation among children in general in Jombang. An increasing focus on Islam and a growing identification with it as a social entity has followed the establishment of Islamic schools in a large number of villages in Jombang. In Puton and Bareng, two villages which had no mosque during the 1960s, there are now madrasa (Islamic educational institutions) which provide Islamic teaching at primary school level. In villages that are located very close to capital district towns, there are Islamic kindergarden or pre-school programs. This level of Islamic education is called “Taman Pendidikan al-Qur'an” (TPA, Qur'anic Education of Kindergarten) which provides formal lessons in the recitation of the Qur'an^[29]. In Puton and Bareng, such schools are attended by children whose parents are less devout or abangan in background. Moreover, the introduction of Islamic norms and values is not restricted to madrasa or TPA and pesantren in general but also occurs in public school, since in the latter Islam is also taught as a subject. For those children who continue their education to a higher level, their introduction to Islam is more extensive, since in most big cities and campuses in Java, Islam is obviously taught and practised by students in their daily lives. The students who then return to their villages introduce these new ideas and Islamic concepts which they have obtained from their period of living in a more urbanised situation. In Bareng, for example, there is a young man who is studying at Brawijaya University in Malang. He has been organising a pengajian group among his friends in Bareng, although his parents are of abangan background.

It is therefore not surprising that a change in religiosity is occurring among villagers in Jombang. Even if this cannot be subsumed under ‘Islamic reassertion’, it certainly marks a decrease of abangan practice in general. ‘Upacara adat’ (traditional ceremony), for example, is only preserved by the older generation of villagers. Only this generation acknowledge the meaning of such ceremonies. The younger generation, who have been socialised into popular culture, are not interested in understanding such religious practices. In Puton, for example, it is difficult to find anyone who can lead an ‘adat ceremony’, a situation which leads to less qualified people occupying the religious position of tukang ujub (local term for an expert to lead the traditional religious ceremony). Formely in Puton, tukang ujub consituted a specialist in the various types of expertise in the religious domain. In contrast to a modin, a government promoted religious position which functioned to carry out Islamic rituals, tukang ujub specialised in leading religious rituals which were more traditional or Javanese in character. When a person in Puton intended to hold a wedding ceremony, he would ask a modin to conduct it. However, in the case of a slametan ritual, such as ‘hajat bumi’ (lit. rituals to have good soil), he would invite the tukang ujub to conduct the ritual. The shortage of experts in the domain of adat (lit. tradition) in present day Puton has resulted in a changed pattern for the adat ceremony itself. This situation has also resulted in a former santri occupying the tukang ujub position. This promotion occurred because this former santri was the only person who was expert in ritual practices. It is therefore not surprising to find a ritual such as slametan, which was abangan in character now furnished with more santri symbols.

In brief, there is an expansion and intensification of da‘wa program promoted by Muslims in Jombang. Various Muslim groups despite their differences carried out this program and expand it to reach what was commonly called the abangan society. Thus there is a process of Islamic reassertion among the abangan villages which marks not only the success of the NU program of ‘back to khittah’ but also the Muslim program in general in introducing Islam. As the kiai is the guardian of the Islamic society in villages in Java, the expansion of Islamic influence among the abangan means also the expansion of the kiai influence. In other words, the da‘wa program is a means to remould the kiai leadership after they experienced a decline in their political influence.