On theological and sociological grounds, Sufism is a problematic concept in Islam. The pilgrimage to Mecca introduced the international character of the Islamic world into the Malay Archipelago.^[1] In its early period in Indonesia, the Shattariyyah teaching reflected this international character. At its earliest stage, particularly in Sumatra, the influence of Meccan masters dominated the interpretation of all Islamic teachings, including those of Sufism. The best documented instance of this is the influence of al-Qushashi and Ibrahim al-Kurani on their Indonesian pupils in the 17^th century within the interpretation of the doctrine of the the Seven Levels of Being (see below). All Indonesian Shattariyyah silsilah relating to Abd al-Rauf of Singkel, Acehcarry the names of these two men.

However, in other areas of the archipelago such as in Java, Sufism underwent various changes of direction that cannot be so completely or immediately attributed to international influences. The transmission of Sufism seems to have been made more complicated because the Javanese were more interested in practice than in theology or interpretation. For example, some followers of Shattariyyah in East Java believe that the order provides a means to acquire and exercise magic power. In some places in West Java, particularly in the area south of Bandung, there are communities claiming links to Abdul Muhyi which practise certain martial arts and cultivate alternative healing practices.

It is important here to recall the Dutch scholar Rinkes’ findings about the Shattariyyah order and its links with Abd al-Rauf of Singkel in 17^th century Aceh. Part of Rinkes’ doctoral dissertation (Rinkes 1909, 160) examined the foundations of the Shattariyyah’s metaphysical doctrine called the ‘Seven Levels of Being’ or martabat tujuh. Rinkes found that the Javanese Shattariyyah consisted of common general characteristics of the order, as well as elements incorporated from various other parts of the world. He made the following points about its Javanese variant: first, disregarding possible inaccuracies on the part of Javanese writers, the Javanese language, like most other languages, does not lend itself to an exact rendering of notions from other languages (in this case, from the Arabic), especially if the author intended to re-express them in his own words. Second, the writing in Java, without being a direct imitation of some earlier version, does not express the scribes’ thought, but only indicates which ideas they have absorbed. Third, because of the religious sentiments of the Javanese, which, according to Rinkes, might be said to be generally lacking in lively exchange of thought, one should not expect to find sharply outlined dogmas and can expect even less of their mystical speculations.

I agree with Rinkes, particularly in view of the facts of contemporary Pamijahan. Mystical speculation, lively debates on the Shattariyyah, and even the creation of new mystical texts are rare. Such phenomena have been influenced by a social dynamic in the village. The Pamijahanese could not maintain their mystical tradition properly because a number of their prominent Sufi leaders moved away to settle in other places, or have passed away. So the transmissions are halted. Furthermore, various external influences, such as the introduction of different tarekat and the increase in pilgrimage activities have modified their views on their ancestor’s teachings. Nowadays it is hard to imagine Pamijahan from a perspective of 17^th Sumatran Sufism, where the star of Sufism sparkled, and debates on mystical speculation were at their liveliest. However, the Shattariyyah followers in Pamijahan survive in a modest way, still important in village affairs. In this regard, the local manuscripts appear as short manuals of Sufism.

Although Rinkes’s study has contributed much to our understanding of the development of the Shattariyyah in Java, Rinkes did not pay great attention to local practices, particularly those of Pamijahan, where around 1660-1715 the order was first introduced into West Java (Krauss 1995: 112). This is reflected in the manuscripts which Rinkes used. Although he visited Pamijahan in 1909, it was the Cirebon manuscripts which he consulted, rather than manuscripts then available in Pamijahan itself, even though he probably had seen manuscripts of Pamijahan origin in the collection made by his teacher, the great Islamologist C. Snouck Hurgronje. Some important manuscripts from Cirebon present a different silsilah from that of the manuscripts of Pamijahan. The Shattariyyah order in Cirebon, particularly as practised within the court, is socially exclusive. It is a palace order. Rinkes (Rinkes 1910) also does not inform us whether any manuscripts were extant, or if any mystical circles were active in Pamijahan at the time of his visit – leaving a gap in our knowledge of the history of the order there.

It is therefore all the more important to describe the silsilah of the Shattariyyah in contemporary Pamijahan, particularly in the light of the fact that the villagers have transformed Pamijahan into one of the most famous pilgrimage sites in Java today.

Recent studies confirm that the silsilah is part of the intellectual network linking various scholars from different places in Indonesia. In his important historical study Azra (1992) identifies various interrelated figures influenced by the idea of neo-Sufism. According to Azra, neo-Sufism is an effort to reconcile mysticism, or tasawwuf, and law, or sharî’ah. The silsilah of the Shattariyyah, particularly in Indonesia, is part of this process. Azra’s work uses extensive primary sources written by the figures in the networks he studies. Nowadays, in several places in Java, including to some extent in Pamijahan, the order has been overwhelmed by other orders and has lost followers. Muhaimin (1995: 333) argues that the decline of the Shattariyyah in Cirebon is partly due to its complicated teaching. Other tarekat such as the Tîjâniyyah, for example, have gained much popularity from propagating simpler doctrines. Pamijahan stands out as an exception. Even though the Shattariyyah is facing problems in other places in Java, the villagers of Pamijahan who claim a close genealogical connection with the master are steadfast in their attempts to perpetuate the tradition. Today a Shattariyyah congregation is held every week in a certain villager’s house in Pamijahan (described in Chapter 8).