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Now concerning the purpose of pilgrimage, it is to create a ‘bridge’ by which we connect our wishes to God’s Emissary, or to the Prophet, or to all the Friends of God, in order to obtain a result which is granted by our Lord God. (Risalah Adab al-jairin).
Ziarah, or pilgrimage, is the most sublime and intense symbolic interaction in the valley of Safarwadi or Pamijahan. Both the ‘signs of the past’ and the ‘signs in the past’ are mixed, modified, and ‘broadcast’. In previous chapters, I draw attention to the significance of ancestral signs in the lives of the villagers. Now, I will look at these representations from the perspective of outsiders, as well as villagers, as they make devotional visits to the shrine of the wali.
Pilgrimage in the Muslim world appears in two significant modes. The first is the sacred journey to Mecca in the days of Dhu’ l-hijja, the twelfth lunar month, which is made incumbent on the faithful by Scripture (Qur’an 2:286; 3:97). It is the fifth of the Five Pillars after the profession of faith (syahadah), the five daily ritual prayers (shalat), the fast (saum) in the month of Ramadhan, and almsgiving (zakat). The Five Pillars of Islam stand as a sturdy framework supporting the whole range of complicated ritual actions, collectively called ibadah, that are incumbent upon Muslims. The basic criterion for determining whether a particular devotional act, or act of ibadah, can be defined as serving God, is the intention of that act, called niat or, in Pamijahan, niat ibadah. Thus, any form of devotional ritual would be meaningless if not performed in the service of God with pure niat. The Five Pillars of Islam function as a mnemonic device to translate all Islamic prescriptions into action.[1]
However, there are also ibadah which are not clearly stated in the Five Pillars, but are the result of interpretations of certain traditional recollections of the sayings and deeds (hadith) of the Prophet Muhammad or even the result of local understanding regarding these traditions and the scriptures. Ibadah at this level is to some extent still recognised as accepted ritual when it has the approval of religious scholars, or ulama. In the anthropology of Islam in Indonesia, such secondary practices are collectively classified as a ‘little tradition’, (Eickelman 1990; Eickelman 1976: 4) designating them as beloging to a more popular discourse. In this perspective pilgrimage to the tomb of the wali is regarded as forming part of the ‘little tradition’ (see also Jamhari 2000).
The hajj, or pilgrimage to Mecca, is compulsory for those who are able to supply their travelling expenses, are in good health, and can provide sufficient food and money for their family left at home. It is not compulsory for the poor or the sick. The pilgrimage to Mecca is deeply rooted in the narrative of the prophet Ibrahim. According to Islamic tradition, Ibrahim and his son Ismail were ordered by God to build the Ka’bah, the house of worship now standing in the centre of the Baitul-Haram mosque in Mecca. From that time the Ka’bah, in the Qur’an called Al-Bait or ‘The House’, became a place of pilgrimage. Later, through the Qur’an, pilgrimage to the Ka’bah was prescribed and perpetuated by the Prophet Muhammad and his followers for all time.
“Remember, We made the House a place of assembly for men, and a place of safety; and take ye the Station of Abraham as a place of prayer; and We convenanted with Ibrahim and Isma’il that they should sanctify My House for those who compass it round, or use it as a retreat, or bow, or prostrate themselves (therein in prayer).” (Qur’an 2:125)[2]
The visit to Al-Bait has inspired some Muslims throughout the Islamic world to copy the structure of the hajj in making visits to the sacred sites of holy men, or wali. So at the very least, for some Indonesian Muslims, to go to Pamijahan, and to other local pilgrimage sites, is to perform a preliminary pilgrimage before they go to Mecca.
There has been some debate on the status of local ziarah in the framework of ibadah. The practice influenced by belief in the existence of wali or similar holy figures who can be accessed after their death, and this has been subject to controversy among Muslim scholars. Nevertheless, ziarah still plays an important role in daily practice.
Examining the practices around pilgrimage in Pamijahan enables us not only to recognise the importance of this act for participants (Fox 2002; Quinn 2002; Taylor 1999) but also to highlight the way narrative is used as an expressive medium for various purposes. Pamijahan has become the third most popular pilgrimage destination in West Java after Cirebon and Banten. Pilgrims from Java and Sumatra come to this sacred village bringing with them a variety of motivations and devotional intentions (niat). They trust that Shaykh Abdul Muhyi’s site is a location for everyone who wants to seek blessing (barokah). According to the villagers, Shaykh Abdul Muhyi’s blessings have transformed Pamijahan from a poor area to the most prosperous rural community in the district of Bantar Kalong. For Pamijahanese, then, the wali’s blessings, or barokah, adhere to their village. In turn, they have responded to such blessings by setting up various social and religious institutions such as the guild of custodians (pakuncenan), a sufi community, and a traditional Islamic school (pesantren). In their accounts, these institutions are an expression of gratitude (syukur) because God has given good fortune to the community through the person of Shaykh Abdul Muhyi.
For this reason, Shaykh Abdul Muhyi’s tomb in Pamijahan is recognised as a most sanctified place. The tomb custodians maintain that they never solicit people to come to Pamijahan, yet the number of pilgrims coming to the village increases significantly every year.[3] This veneration has spread to other neighbouring tombs, or makom,[4] which are historically also related to Shaykh Abdul Muhyi; namely Makom Khatib Muwahid in Panyalahan, Makom Shaykh Abdul Kohar in Pandawa, Makom Sacaparana in Bengkok, and Makom Yudanagara in Pamijahan. These blessed tombs are popular pilgrimage destinations after Abdul Muhyi’s grave and the sacred cave, Guha Safarwadi.
To comprehend this practice, it is important to outline the main narratives related to pilgrimage in Pamijahan. The first is to be found in the Manual of Pilgrimage or Risalah Adab al-jairin,[5] a printed material written by some previous custodians and the second is an oral account delivered by the custodian. Both of these narrative sources give the significant grounds used by villagers and visitors to perform the pilgrimage successfully. Pilgrimage to the tomb of Abdul Muhyi is prescribed and mediated through these narratives. I will illustrate this by focussing on the three most essential elements of pilgrimage as found in the narratives: ideology, the participants and the sequence of rituals.