The Sundanese word pakuncenan is derived from custodian, “key bearer” which in turn is derived from kunci, “key”.^[12] The pakuncenan is the village guild of custodians. It is led by a custodian (custodian) who is elected by the members of the four main families (pongpok) descended from Shaykh Abdul Muhyi. At the time of writing (2002) Engku Syukrudin from pongpok I headed the pakuncenan. The task of the pakuncenan is to maintain Shaykh Abdul Muhyi’s shrine and help people to perform the correct rituals at the site. The head custodian also acts as the village head. The rank and file of custodians have various roles in pilgrimage, supporting the pakuncenan, registering pilgrims and helping pilgrims in their rituals.

The pakuncenan is a relatively new institution in Pamijahan. I learned about it from my informants in the field. The first site custodian referred to as a custodian was Haji Muhammad Kosim who died in 1985. His lengthy full name gives his lineage: Haji Muhammad Kosim bin Abd. Mutholib bin Kiai Madhoip bin Kiai Uba bin Kiai Madhanan bin Nida Muhyidin bin Shaykh Abdullah putra Shaykh Haji Abdul Muhyi. Before him, Pamijahan or Safarwadi had been ed by a custodian who had the title of Panembahan (literally “he to whom honour is due”). Previously, besides acting as the custodian, the panembahan also had the authority to manage all local religious affairs, including the supervision of pilgrimage. However, around the 19^th century the Dutch colonial government introduced a formal administrative apparatus centred on a mosque official called a naib. The institution of panembahan was converted into that of the pakuncenan, and since then the pakuncenan has administered pilgrimage, while all other religious affairs have been handled by the naib.

In response to these external factors, the villagers invented the guild of custodians pakuncenan. Folk narratives recited by one the custodian staff explain the emergence of custodianship around the middle of the nineteenth century, after visitors began to come to the site in large numbers with all their various rituals and intentions. Abdul Muhyi’s descendants had the obligation to regulate events in this situation. The following is a narrative delivered by A.A. Khaerusalam, a prominent member of the Muhyi family who later wrote the book, Sejarah Perjuangan Shaykh Abd al-Muhyi (The History of the Struggles of Shaykh Abdul Muhyi).

In a village council meeting, it was decided that the maintaining of the shrine and its surrounding area would be assigned to the four families of the wali. However, as stated in Khaerussalam’s book (Khaerussalam 1992) the management of the shrine would be controlled by three clans or sides called pongpok. These groups mainly originated from the three sons of the wali from his first wife, Ayu Bakta. These sons were Sembah Dalem Bojong, Shaykh Abdulloh and Media Kusuma. They also agreed to give the status of custodian to descendants of another of Muhyi’s wives, Sembah Ayu Salamah. Thus, custodial rights were distributed evenly over four lines of descent. Based on this pact the shrine’s management was similarly divided into four sides or pongpok.

Such arrangements later become a potential source of the conflict and resentment with descendants of Abdul Muhyi from his other wives. According to this pact, the descendants of the first wife gained more privileges over the symbolic space, particularly the centre area of Pamijahan. They also claim to be the members of the family who have stayed on the land for centuries and have never moved outside the sacred territory. On the other hand, many descendants of the other three wives left the land and some of them have never returned to Pamijahan. Soon after Pamijahan come into existence as a popular pilgrimage destination, they tried to settle again in Pamijahan and have now become a potential source of conflict with the first group. Matters have become complicated in cases where some of them gained positions in the government bureaucracy and have tried to use their positions to regain some of the symbolic signs of authority which they have lost.

It is not clear exactly when the pilgrimage to Kangjeng Shaykh became popular. However, we have a significant clue that in the eighteenth century a noble from the city of Sukapura (now Tasikmalaya) performed rituals on this site.^[14] A manuscript points out that when the political elite came into dispute over internal political or personal matters,^[15] they would visit the tomb of Abdul Muhyi to make oaths and vows. Such visits are believed to have had a great impact on the political figures of the time. According to Sajarah Sukapura (The Chronicle of Sukapura) edited by Hermansoemantri (1979, 24):

In time, saintly linkages have legitimated custodianship. The pongpok groups claim to have symbolic authority over territory associated with their place at the tomb. They have followers in this “territory” both in the Desa Pamijahan and outside the Desa Pamijahan.

Regarding this system, the custodian recites Kangjeng Shaykh’s testimony that ‘anyone who breaches this tradition, which has been delivered by our descent, will not gain prosperity for his family’,^[16]

What should be noted about the notion of place is that such a division is structured hierarchically, reflected in cardinal numbers resembling the structure of genealogy, where the oldest family occupies the most important position. The first family or pongpok hiji occupies the south ‘side’. This ‘side’ is sometimes called the southern door (panto kidul). This first family’s place is important because most rituals are held in this area.

According to the leader of the first group, the group is responsible for maintaining the rituals held in the area. In practice, in contemporary Pamijahan, most important rituals associated with the wali will pass this gate. Therefore, politically, the first family has a legitimate control of the important 'ritual space' (see, Fox 1997). The chief custodians always come from the first pongpok.

Accordingly, space in Pamijahan can be imagined ritually in a rectangular shape where each side represents a sub group derived from the wali's wives. There is also another way the Pamijahanese conceived their village. Space is also conceived in terms of closeness and the mystical journey of the ancestors. The places are interconnected by the itinerary of the mystical journey of the Shaykh on his early journey to the village. Each spot in his itinerary is crucial in the spatial concept; the cave, the mosque, the non-smoking are part of the sacred journey of the wali. Furthermore, the space is also related to the concept of (kerabat or qaraba) as has been illustrated by the arrangement of the pongpok. Later, some people from outside Pamijahan also follow the idea of closeness by connecting themselves to a ‘side’ which is relatively close to their hamlet. The leader of a ‘side’, hence, symbolically has followers in those ritual spaces. For example, villagers on the west side of the villager such as Padahayu, Sabeulit Cirakoneng, Pamijahan, and Parungpung mongpok to the pongpok kulon (West group, pongpok tilu) which is lead by Media Kusuma. People in the villages of Bongas, Ciwalet, Cintabodas, Cilumbu, and Cihandiwung associate themselves with pongpok kidul (South group, pongpok hiji) led by Sembah Dalem Bojong (Muhyi’s son from Sembah Ayu Winangun). Shaykh Abdullah from pongpok kaler (North group, pongpok dua) has territory in the northern area such as Pandawa, Pajadun, Sangulat Saronge and Leuwinaggung; and finally Sembah Ayu Salamah has territory in pongpok wetan (East group, pongpok tilu) or the eastern part such as Lebaksiuh, Cilangkruk, Petir, Cilingga, Campaka, and Cikawung. Thus, the imagined spaces can be seen on the map below (the figure 4).

These affiliation is ritualised in shrine renovation and in yearly rituals such the commemoration of the Prophet Muhammad, muludan. The shrines are renovated and maintained not only by the kuncen and his family on each side but also by people outside Pamijahan who belong to a particular pongpok. At muludan they will send ‘tribute’ to the pongpok leader.

During my field work, 1997-1998, I observed that a member from pongpok I, Pak Engku Syukrudin, had been elected as the second kuncen. He was a farmer and had some pesantren association before he was elected. Like other elected senior custodian, he uses his house as an office. He came from the primary ‘side’ or pongpok Santana.

After interviewing members of other pongpok, I found different attitudes regarding his election. According to my informant, the previous custodian, Mama Ajengan Kosim was better than Engku Syukrudin. My informant said Mama Ajengan Kosim had spiritual powers and so every visitor was given a gift, such as an amulet, or verval cham (isim), or advice (nasihat). Other said that Engku Syukrudin was not really appropriate for the custodian due to his lack of spiritual power. Furthermore, according to him, the son of the previous custodian, Mama Ajengan Satibi, should be the real successor or the custodian. Mama Ajengan Satibi spent his life at various Pesantren and now he teaches santri at Pasantren Karamat Safarwadi. However, Mama Ajengan Satibi had a stroke near the time of election and Engku Syukrudin was elected. As a legitimate custodian, however, he prefers not to exercise his rights to income other staff. Previously the custodian received 20 percent of the income and 80 percent was divided among the four groups; but now, the custodian no longer receives this privilege. He only acquires a share (bagian) from his pongpok. However, the custodian still receives additional income since he has more personal clients than other staff.

Currently, shifts are distributed the four pongpok groups so that each pongpok has the job for one week looking after the shrine and serving pilgrims. They occupy the custodian’s house 24 hours a day. Every day, around three or four men from one pongpok are on duty.

The custodians on duty can be classified into three categories. The first, the leader, is called the custodian. The second are the custodian’s staff (staf custodian), and these in turn are subdivided into those who registers pilgrims (nu ngadaftar) and those who conduct them to the shrine (nu jajap ka makam or nu ngaziarahkeun). The third category is that of guides to the cave of Safarwadi. These are called nu jajap ka guha.

A leader of a pongpok (ketua pongpok) acts as the head custodian during a shift. He has to ask and record visitors’ identities and their intentions. He also offers guidance to guests. The majority of visitors prefer to be guided, and there are two main reasons for this. The first is that they are unable to perform their own ritual. The second is that they believe that Muhyi’s family has the “license” to mediate their intention (pamaksadan).

While the pongpok’s leader registers pilgrims and collects donations, other staff, often two or three men, act as mediators in the shrine. Those who accompany the guest to the shrine are called nu jajap ka Makam. If visitors need guidance, then the custodian employs his colleagues who sits close to him. They will accompany visitors to approach Kangjeng wali’s tomb while the pongpok leader stays in the office.

Another type of custodian is one who accompanies visitors to the sacred cave (nu jajap ka guha) after the main ritual at the tomb. The custodian who accompanies visitors to the shrine get their allowance from the leader as well as from the guest, but staff who escort pilgrims to the cave only receive money from visitors about which they have to negotiate. Visitors have to rent a pressure lamp and are expected to pay for their guidance. This group does not affiliate formally with the custodian. As a marginal group, they try to organise themselves. The organiser, who comes from pongpok III, regards the role of nu jajap ka guha is as important in pilgrimage practice because they guide visitors to trace the labyrinth and show its importance. They are important in transferring the tradition of these sites. When I went there for the first time, they often explained the importance of pilgrimage. They also narrated the miracle of Kangjeng Shaykh in the caves. However, the pakuncenan is the authoritative institution, which does not want its activity to overlap with theirs, even through former organiser said to me that this organization had merged with the pakuncenan.

There are instructions in writing that every pilgrim to Muhyi’s tomb should report to the custodian. In contemporary Pamijahan seems to have been interpreted in various meanings. Firstl, there are those who say that it is compulsory for the pilgrim to be guided, whether they are able to do their own ritual or not. Second, pilgrims can in fact do their own ritual as long as they are able to perform them and have been registered (ngadaftar). Thirdl, whether pilgrims or not are able or not to perform their own ritual, if they present money for registration (ngadaftar) they have the choice of being guided or not.

The economic impact of the pakuncenan is tremendous. Thanks to their collective income, the custodians are able to build mosques, renovate the shrines, circumcise every Rajab, and more importantly provide a cash source for the Muhyi families. In 1996, one cusdotian told me that, in total, the custodians receive donations (sodaqoh) from the pilgrims of around one to two hundred thousand rupiah every day particularly during peak season. The pakuncenan also control the money placed in the boxes which are located along the path to the shrine. In fact, this is geates than the amount given directly to the custodian at registration. One charity box (Kas Amal) can contribute at least a million rupiah a week. The boxes are put at the gate of the shrine; others are located close to the custodian house. Ajengan Endang reported that 15 percent of this income is spent on social activity, 25 percent for the pakuncenan, 25 percent for the petugas, and the remaining 25 per cent for education (pendidikan or pesantren). The local government also gets benefits since they charge for every vehicle, which comes to Pamijahan.

The pakuncenan has significant authority compared to modern institutions such as the village leader. For example, the village leader always comes to the Maulid festival, which is performed by the pakuncenan. On the other hand, when the village leader performs a festival in the village hall (balai desa), the custodian does not regard it compulsory to attend. The pakuncenan is also able to invite the provincial governor or the local district head (bupati) to his gathering, while it is difficult for the village head to do this.