Ritual consists of symbolic and social signs (Turner 1966; Parmentier 1996). Between symbolic and social signs there is a medium, as Catherine Bell has pointed, out called discourse. Bell (Bell 1992) tries to elaborate further what has been stated by Geertz (1976: 355) about the cultural and social dimension of ritual by proposing discourse, the third category, which frames individually practised particular rituals or a discourse. The model developed by Geertz (1976) and Bell (1992), to some extent, resembles the Peircean (Peirce 1997; Parmentier 1994) idea whereby there are three elements of a sign: representamen, reference, and interpretant. Representamen is a form or structure. Reference is an individual meaning, and interpretant is a public interpretation, or, using Bell’s terms, a discourse.
Pilgrimage, like the plot of a story, is constructed by various events. Pilgrims choose their own succession of times and places. Different sequences often indicate the pilgrims’ different objective and spiritual levels. Furthermore, the sequence also indicates a negotiating process related to signification. In Pamijahan, ziarah represents a sacred sequence as the main text as indicated by the official narrative found in the manual of pilgrimage or in the book written by the family of the custodians. However, pilgrimage in Pamijahan also represents the subtext, which is open to individual interpretation: a text, which appears within the main text. Furthermore, based on sequential analyses, pilgrimage is connected to other systems of meaning (intertextuality) where the more public and shared meaning can ‘regiment’ our interpretation of the sequence (cf Parminter 1994).
This chain of events is taken from the manual given by the custodians. The string can be read in terms of various strategies. As is evident the main text consists of a standard order as stated by the custodian and the book of pilgrimage: it is the syntax, which is accepted by most Pamijahanese. The logical concept is tightly dependent on the point of view of the ‘storyteller’ (e.g. Danesi and Parron, 1999:249). From the list of possibilities of prescribed sequences, we can identify that the most important point is visiting the shrine [D] whether accompanied by the staff or not. Furthermore, the pattern also sugested that passing the gate and reporting to the custodian office is important. After that, going to the cave and Panyalahan is the next prescribed route.
The linear aspects described above can be abstracted as follows.
However, if we look carefully, there is a contrast between the sequence of no. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5 with no. 6, 7, and 8. Instead of passing the gate [A] and the custodian office of Pamijahan [B], some pilgrims go, first, to the custodian of Panyalahan [G] (see the sequence no. 6—8). From the point of view of the book of pilgrimage written by the Pamijahanese, such a journey is not proper. For them, pilgrimage should started from the gate, or kaca-kaca and pass the custodian’s office located between the gate (kaca-kaca) and the shrine of Shaykh Abdul Muhyi. For the villagers the proper journey should follow proper sequences as stated by the manual. Finally, the sequence of no. 9 is not a preferred succession because according to them, pilgrims do not pay respect to the Shaykh.
There are several reasons why pilgrims choose this route (sequence no. 6--8). The first may be simple ignorance, they do not know what should be done first. Some pilgrims said that when they arrived at the car park outside the sacred village, some one offered guidance and led them directly to Panyalahan [G→D→F→G→H→I] or [G→F→D→H→I] instead to Pamijahan first [A] →[B]→[C]…. However, they may have come once before and used the Panyalahan route [G] and so they consider it the appropriate method because it was suggested by the custodian of Panyalahan [G]. Another reason for the use of this route may be a special purpose suggested by their local teacher.
If the syntagmatic axis was applied here, then we have to find an underlaying system that puts events in an acceptable string of pilgrimage. It is clear that, from the point of view of Pamijahanese, ziarah to the shrine of Muhyi has two ‘minimal unit’ (1) reporting to the custodian [B] of Pamijahan and (2) visiting the tomb of Muhyi or {[B]→[D]}. Reporting (ngalapor), in fact, is the crucial event in Pamijahan. There is a proverb among the villagers that “if you come I can see your face, if you return I can see your back.” Visiting the tomb is the core of ziarah. Of course, people can create their own combination. However, such a combination will influence the quality of the ziarah. In this regard, the custodian states that there are three kinds of sequence: (1) perfect, or sampurna, (2) good , or sae, and (3) in appropriate or henteu dipikahoyong.
In the view of the custodians the perfect sequence (sae pisan) should consisted of the full series of [A, B, C, D, E, F, G, H, I]. The sae or good sequence should consist of [B, F] or [A, B, C, D, E, F]. The inappropriate sequence is the sequence without the elements of reporting [B] and visiting [F].
It is a fact that the structure of the pilgrimage, from a sequential analysis, consists of two compulsory elements: reporting to key bearer and visiting the shrine. Pilgrims, of course, have to visit to decide their preferred progression. There are some possibilities to be inserted between [B] and [F]. However, the choice is limited.
The custodian office and the shrine are located at the centre while other sacred sites including Panyalahan are at the periphery (see Chapter 5). The non-smoking area is the most sacred territory where the compulsory sequences take place.
Ritual is a structure; but as the result of alternative interpretations and contestation the rigidity of the structure as both a sensible and intlelligible order is not stable. On the other hand, in Pamijahan, the custodian states that all pilgrims are guests of the wali. To be a pilgrim is to follow the prescription stated by the book or custodian directly. It is easy for the custodian to differentiate between the sacred and the profane.[23] If a peddler comes to the sites to sell something to the villagers or pilgrims, then he should not be categorised as pilgrim. Similarly, if a peddler came to the kuncen and went to the shrine to perform tawassul and then sold his goods, he would be considered a pilgrim. For the custodian of Pamijahan, as long as the people report to his office and carry out the intermediary ritual, then they should be considered pilgrims. The custodian even says that if peddlers achieve good fortune in the market after visitation to the tomb then they are indeed blessed. In other words, it may be difficult for the custodian to identify all true niat but it is easier for him to identify whether visitors have followed the prescribed sequence or not.
In Islam, there is a compulsory precondition for performing ibadah: these are first true intention, and the second is true action or amalan, and the third is knowledge. Thus, the proper pilgrimage should meet such prerequisites. However, intention is an intelligble aspect for the custodian. In the ritual ngadaftar or subsequently the custodian often asks the visitor’s intention. Most of the visitors, according to the custodian, state general motives such as solving their problems and seeking barokah from the process. Often, more specific motives will be retained in their hears and delivered to God personally in the front of the Muhyi tomb. Some times, nu ziarah also tell the custodian in detail and ask his help. Based on my interviews, I found some visitors have huge debts and come to Pamijahan for help. Some of them have even run away from their wives and families because their cannot support their family life.
The custodian says that all niat should be translated into amalan or action. He states that if you have a good niat, then God will grant you a reward. If you have a good niat and you are able to actualise it, God will grant you multiple rewards; but if you are unable to actualise it, God will grants you only one reward. Action is the second stage in the ritual. The kuncen explains that amalan, good deeds, without knowledge will reduce the rewards. Knowledge, or ilmu, is basic to perform in the ritual. In the case of pilgrimage, the custodians feel responsible for help people in this third area.
Knowledge of the ritual can be learned from various sources. For instance, a group of the pilgrims often brings their own ulama to the sites in order to get lessons and guidance so that their niat and action are performed in harmony. In reality, the custodians are still perceived many visitors as the main source of knowledge in the village. This is due to the belief that ritual pilgrimage is connected to the local codes for which the kuncen is the key bearer. For instance, the kuncen will allow visitors to perform their own niat and amalan with some precautions. Ideally, pilgrims are not expected to stay in the sacred site for more than a week. In fact, there some specialists who spent more that 41 days in the shrine. For this reason, the kuncen will give special permission. The custodian also will allow specialists who ask special permission to enter the main room in the shrine. In normal circumstances, such an area is a forbidden place.
The specialists and ‘ordinary pilgrims’ may perform different sequences. The minimal structure, however, should be tightly connected to what the custodian calls “proper conduct”, that is, reporting to his office and visiting the shrine. However, if we carefully examine the table of sequences, the space for negotiation is apparent. While the power of the kuncen regulates the prescribed sequence by limiting the accepted choice of ‘paths’, others still have space for negotiation as seen in what the kuncen often calls sae pisan, kirang sae, or teu dipikahoyong.
Ziarah practice in Pamijahan is not only influenced by outsiders but also by the contestation among the groups who claim to have the same ancestral sources. As seen in the table above structural variation coincides with the two different sequences prescribed by the two different custodian offices: Pamijahan and Panyalahan. And indeed in practice, the custodian of Pamijahan’s account may be contested by the custodian of Panyalahan who also shares the same lineage.